GEORGE WASHINGTON; A LIFE OF THE AUTHOR,

By JARED SPARKS.

VOLUME II.

HARPER & BROTHERS, PUBLISHERS,

89 CLIFF STREET. NEW YORK.
1847.

DEATH OF JUMONVILLE.

The circumstances attending the death of Jumonville have been so remarkably misunderstood and perverted by the French historians, and the character of Washington, in regard to this event, has suffered so much in their hands, that the subject demands a further consideration. The following extracts, from three of the most recent and accredited French writers, will show in what light this point of history is still viewed by that nation. The first extract is from Flas- san, whose history holds a high rank in French literature, and was written with the approbation of Napoleon, if not in consequence of his suggestion.


Jared Sparks con’t

Here we have all the particulars, as they appear in the citations from the French historians, and almost in the same language. And this is the original and sole authority, from which have been derived all the succeeding French accounts of the conflict between the force of Washingtonand Jumonville, which terminated so fatally to the latter. By what testimony is this statement of M. de Contrecoeur sustained.First, by the report of a Canadian, who fled affrighted at the beginning of the action; and, next, by the vague rumors of the savages, who were said to have been on the spot. These savages, if any there were, who returned to M. de Contrecoeur, must have come out with the French party. No such savages are mentioned as being seen by the English; and consequently, if there were any originally with the party, they escaped, like the Canadian, at the beginning of the action, and could have had no knowledge of the manner in which it was conducted. In any other case would such testimony be taken as evidence of facts.It can certainly have no claim to be made the basis of a historical narrative. Much less can it warrant severe censures upon the character of an officer, who was in reality discharging his duty in the execution of his orders.

Letter from George Washington to Governor Dinwiddie

Camp at the Great Meadows, 29 May, 1754.

…

Now, Sir, as I have answered your letter, I shall beg leave to acquaint you with what has happened since I wrote by Mr. Gist. I then informed you, that I had detached a party of seventy-five men to meet fifty of the French, who, we had intelligence, were upon their march towards us. About nine o'clock the same night, I received an express from the Half-King, who was encamped with several of his people about six miles off, that he had seen the tracks of two Frenchmen crossing the road, and that, behind, the whole body were lying not far off, as he had an account of that number passing Mr. Gist's.

I set out with forty men before ten, and it was from that time till near sunrise before we reached the Indians' camp, having marched in small paths, through a heavy rain, and a night as dark as it is possible to conceive. We were frequently tumbling one over another, and often so lost, that fifteen or twenty minutes' search would not find the path again.

When we came to the Half-King (Chief of the Six Nations – on the side of the English), I counselled with him, and got his assent to go hand-in-hand and strike the French. Accordingly, he, Monacawacha, and a few other Indians set out with us; and when we came to the place where the tracks were, the Half-King sent two Indians to follow their tracks, and discover their lodgement, which they did at half a mile from the road, in a very obscure place surrounded with rocks. I thereupon, in conjunction with the Half-King and Monacawacha, formed a disposition to attack them on all sides, which we accordingly did, and, after an engagement of about fifteen minutes, we killed ten, wounded one, and took twenty-one prisoners. Amongst those killed was M. de Jumonville, the commander. The principal officers taken are M. Drouillon and M. La Force, of whom your Honor has often heard me speak, as a bold enterprising man, and a person of great subtlety and cunning. With these are two cadets.

These officers pretend they were coming on an embassy; but the absurdity of this pretext is too glaring, as you will see by the Instructions and Summons enclosed***. Their instructions were to reconnoitre (scout out) the country, roads, creeks, and the like, as far as the Potomac, which they were about to do. These enterprising men were purposely chosen out to procure intelligence, which they were to send back by some brisk despatches, with the mention of the day that they were to serve the summons ; which could be with no other view, than to get a sufficient reinforcement to fall upon us immediately after. This, with several other reasons, induced all the officers to believe firmly, that they were sent as spies, rather than any thing else, and has occasioned my detaining them as prisoners, though they expected, or at least had some faint hope, that they should be continued as ambassadors.

They, finding where we were encamped, instead of coming up in a public manner, sought out one of the most secret retirements, fitter for a deserter than an ambassador to encamp in, and stayed there two or three days, sending spies to reconnoitre our camp, as we are told, though they deny it. Their whole body moved back near two miles, and they sent off two runners to acquaint Contrecoeur with our strength, and where we were encamped. Now thirty-six men would almost have been a retinue for a princely ambassador, instead of a petit. Why did they, if their designs were open, stay so long within five miles of us, without delivering their message, or acquainting me with it? Their waiting could be with no other design, than to get detachments to enforce the summons, as soon as it was given. They had no occasion to send out spies, for the name of an ambassador is sacred among all nations; but it was by the track of those spies, that they were discovered, and that we got intelligence of them. They would not have retired two miles back without delivering the summons, and sought a skulking-place (which, to do them justice, was done with great judgment), but for some special reason. Besides, the summons is so insolent, and savors so much of gasconade, that if two men only had come to deliver it openly, it would have been too great an indulgence to send them back.*

The sense of the Half-King on this subject is, that they have bad hearts, and that this is a mere pretence; that they never designed to come to us but in a hostile manner, and if we were so foolish as to let them go again, he never would assist us in taking another of them. Besides, La Force would, if released, I really think, do more to our disservice, than fifty other men, as he is a person whose active spirit leads him into all parties, and has brought him acquainted with all parts of the country. Add to this a perfect use of the Indian tongue, and great influence with the Indians. He ingenuously enough confessed, that, as soon as he saw the commission and instructions, he believed, * and then said he expected some such tendency, though he pretends to say he does not believe the commander had any other than a good design.

In this engagement we had only one man killed and two or three wounded, among whom was Lieutenant Waggener slightly, — a most miraculous escape, as our right wing was much exposed to their fire and received it all.

***Jumonville’s summons was to request the Virginians to leave the French claimed lands