Old-Age Vulnerabilities: Asian and European Perspectives

FINAL REPORT

Social Security for Elderly Apple Farmers in Malang: Between Self-Sufficiency and Surrender

Imam Koeswahyono,

Fidelis Sutego,

Didit Wicaksono

Kharisman Hudha

Draft Copy – not to be quoted without author’s permission

The Centre for Agrarian Law Development,

Law Faculty, Brawijaya University Malang

2004

A. Background

Land resources in Indonesia, like in many nations in the world, are the most valuable asset for people, especially those who live in rural areas. Thus, in empirical manifestations the relationship between persons and property is predominantly expressed as relations between persons and things. In other words, property relationship are incidents of social status. Benda-Beckmann (1979) pointed out that: “the universal with which all societies have to cope is to regulate their member relationships to property (material or immaterial). In each society, relation of the property and it’s subject is transformed into socio-cultural ones and therefore is culturally varied. Many of their legal character, are attached to these concept.

Land can be regarded as an important source of security, because people can be used to cope with economic problems. Biezeveld (2002) said “not having land does not automatically mean poverty, but it can nevertheless be a source of great worry to arrange a plot of land to build a house on. Landless people are very much dependent on rich relatives who may allow them to build a house on their land. While pawning out of land for agricultural purposes is normally not seen as social act, pawning to give someone access to land for housing is a way of supporting people.” According to Niehof (1997), in Indonesia, especially in Javanese villages, “the idea such normative rules regarding help and support would somehow work automatically.” Community in the Javanese villages places the elderly person being cared with family asKeith mentioned (1992)“ places the older person, like a member of such societies in a network relationship and access to and ownership of land among family have to be negotiated”. Up to now there are few researches on property relations and social security in upland regions of Java, and certainly nothing concerning Batu, the area we focus on here. Batu, an upland region in the west of Malang regency (kabupaten), is one of the leading apple producing areas of Indonesia. In 1999 the small city of Batu was the centre of apple production in East Java and contributed 4% to economic development of kabupaten Malang (Hendarto 2003). Bumiaji district, where our research site was located, has a total population of 48,380 on an area of 130 km2 (population density 389/km2). The elderly population consists of 2,320 elderly men and 2,576 elderly women. According to the Agricultural Census 2000, the population aged 15 years and over employed on a plantation was 514. who work during the previous week in plantation refers to Agriculture Census 2000 in Bumiaji: 514 (BPS Kabupaten Malang 2001).

B. Research Questions

  1. Do apple farmers divide and transfer their property (agricultural land) to their descendants as an effort to secure old age care and well being?
  2. How do they divide and transfer their agricultural land?
  3. Do different apple farmers divide and transfer their agricultural land differently?
  4. How do the apple farmers and their family members negotiate the division and transfer?
  5. What factors determine the way farmers divide and transfer their agricultural land to their descendants ?
  6. What are the economic and legal consequences of those various ways of dividing and transferring the agricultural land for the apple farmers and their descendants?
  7. How are the division and transfer of agricultural land affected by specific business risks (such as the increasing price of insecticides since 1997, competition with import products) and general uncertainty of economic conditions in Indonesia?

C. Methodology

This research is approached and conceptualised from the disciplines of sociology and legal anthropology, and it uses a participatory method. Five families of apple farmers in Bumiaji, Batu, Malang were interviewed repeatedly and in-depth on aspects of family relationships, farming and, especially, issues surrounding the use and transmission of property. By focusing on five families in depth, we use a case study method which goes back to Adelman (1977, whose method was cited by J. Nisbet & J. Watts 1994: 4): as “some research methods which focused on a specific phenomenon by identifying unique characteristics from the interaction in those phenomenon.” Two of the cases studied represent families headed by a single elderly parent, whereas in the other three cases the elderly generation is still complete. The five families are chosen because they are members of the original community of apple farmers in Bumiaji, Batu.[1] The data were collected through depth interview with those families especially related with their property.

D. Theoretical Framework

Based on the literature study and research the following framework was designed. The qualitative fieldwork in the village of this research project was based on this framework:

  1. The elderly and the family background of the apple farmers;
  2. Strategies, objectives and forms of dividing land resources;
  3. The impact of the insecticide price fluctuation since the middle of 1997 on their property and their ability maintaining their businesses.

According to Benda-Beckmann’s (1979: 48-49) fieldwork in West Sumatra, the property relations are transferred before the holders’ death and must be seen in the total context of intergenerational transmission. In addition, Laura Rudkin-Miniot (1992: 24-25) mentioned that the “level of authority as a social well-being some research regarding level of authority has described an increase in old age and other studies have suggested that power of autonomy decline with age. Women’s power and resources increase as they (and their children) age and mother receive benefits from alliances with their adult children. Older woman’s domestic authority is also increased in situations where they directly supervise grandchildren and daughters-in-law.” On the the nature of women’s control over property, Annelies Moors (1995: 5) underlines that “it does not depend on the nature of the property involved so much as on the way in which it was acquired. A woman’s ability to deal with land, may vary depending on whether she obtained it as part of father’s estate, whether it was given to her as widow, or whether she had bought it from her savings.” Furthermore, according to Niehof (1997), in a bilateral kinship system like the Javanese, the kinship network for the elderly to fall back on is not clearly bounded, and access and ownership of resources among kin are not structurally given but have to be negotiated.

Cases and Analysis

Family of Hj. Msyh (widow, 85 years old)

Mbah Hj. Msyh is 85 years old, a widow since 1979. She has nine children, four sons and five daughters. She used to own an apple plantation of 3 Ha (30.000 m2) which came from her husband who passed away 24 years ago. The apple land was distributed in 1981, two years after her husband passed away. At that time their ninth child became an adult and married through negotiation. The main reason for dividing her land was to give capital to her children and enable them to continue the tradition as apple farmers. When she was 69 years, she decided to stay with her sixth son, called I Gh. He is her most talented child, a teacher and government official in Batu, Every children gets the same portion of the apple plantation land with the exception of one portion: this piece of land which called Tanah Gantungan (Type A).[2] This tanah gantungan will be given to Gh when she passes away as a gift in exchange for his obligation to take care of her.

The division of land (apple garden land and rice lands [sawah]) relied on the timing of a child’s marriage, in other words, if a child married it would be given garden land and rice field. In addition, before the late Achmad died, starting in the year 1954, sons 1 and 2 were given apple land (kebon apple), rice field (sawah) and dry land (tegal). During the period when the children were still young, Musyarofah’s land grant depended on the parents. This means that the authority over the land was still with the parents, and decisions were made by them. Although when her husband died, her way of allotting land was based on deliberation result of her with the child reason. The parents’ aim in allotting land is to help children once they are married and wanting to start a family: thus the gift (hibah) can be seen as starting capital to help a young nuclear family. In Java, of course, it is common for a married child to leave his or her parental home and develop a new domestic unit (it is not an extended family system).

The letter of land certificate, name still their parent is still by the parents name. But for the land, garden and sawah of her first daughter to the sixth son, their land existence have akta present (certificate). For the child of next still not yet akta present, but have there part of each for her child of number 7 and rest.

The following sequence are the name of her first daughter and brothers:

  1. Bu Kunj, aged 67; she lives near Bumiaji. She was given rice fields, apple garden and dry land given to parent 2000 m2:
  2. Bu Musl, aged 63; she lives around Giripurno, a different hamlet but still within the same administrative area. She was given only a rice field and apple garden totalling 2000 m2, but not the tegal. This is because she does not live in Bumiaji; instead she was given four cattle.
  3. Pak Sulk, aged 59, leave Sidomulyo, age 59. Rice field, apple garden and dry land (tegal) given 3000 M2.
  4. The late Mud, countryside Bumiaji, because omitting her husband hence ahead given the rice field, apple garden for the width of 2000 m2. for the tegal of changed by 2 ox.
  5. Sani`i, aged 50, who lives in Bumiaji and was given rice field, apple garden and tegal totalling 3000 m2.
  6. I Gh, aged 49, living in Bumiaji. He was given 3000 m2 of rice fields, apple garden and tegal.
  7. St Jub, aged 47, living in Nganjuk. She was given a rice field, apple garden and tegal totalling 2500 m2. As she is absent from the Bumiaji, all of these lands are managed by Gh, but the harvest is given to St.
  8. Al Must, aged 44, near Bumiaji. He was given 2500 m2 of rice fields, apple garden and tegal.
  9. St Mukh, aged 41, living in Sengkaling. She was given rice fields, apple garden and tegal measuring 2500 m2.

At this time Mbah Musyarofah still owns as wide as 3000 m2 apple plantation. This land represents the tanah gantungan which will later be passed on to Gh, who in the meantime is managing this land for his mother. The harvest, however, is delivered to the mother, it is not the property of the son.

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Old-Age Vulnerabilities: Asian and European Perspectives

Kin Diagram Family of Mbah Msf

1 2

3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20

21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37

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Old-Age Vulnerabilities: Asian and European Perspectives

Notes on the kin diagram:

  1. The late Sul Da
  2. The late Sti Z
  3. The late A Ch
  4. The late Sf
  5. The late A Mch
  6. The late A Dj
  7. Msf
  8. Hj. Siti
  9. Syafi`i
  10. Subaikah
  11. The late Rochib
  12. The late Ab M
  13. Riam
  14. The late Mch
  15. Mfth
  16. Sfy
  17. Dmhr
  18. Msyk
  19. Attk
/
  1. Khj
  2. Pas
  3. Mslm
  4. Ik Kr
  5. R Slch
  6. Sdt
  7. The late Mud
  8. Much
  9. San
  10. Ab Th
  11. A Ghz
  12. L Zuh
  13. St Zub
  14. K. H Prn
  15. A Mst
  16. St Mrt
  17. A Mf
  18. Sdg

Family of Pas (85 years old) & Kunj (60 years old)

Another apple farmer name Pas (80 old) and his couple Kunj (65 old) have 3 son (2 male (1 is a teacher and another has a flower shop in East Kalimantan) and 1 female (she is a teacher). They have 3000 M2) of land which given by their parents when they’re married in 1963. Approaching the old age Pas distributed family land’s into 3 parts but he still has control on it and does not give over the rights of land until he passes away. This phenomenon is called “Sangkul or Jonggolan System”[3]. The parents feel happy after they distributed the land’ because of declining of the risk in agro industry and always supported by the children in all expenditures included if they’re sick.

The second land owned second son of + 2000 m2. The way how they land is same as other family does, that is by seeing at the child status, whether they have married or not. When the child has married the land will be given as capital. The target that child can live and manage it and does not hang to their parent anymore.

In this time land have used up allotted to her child : but although love used up to her child, if parent crop will get the result ( remain to be given result/ give to previous I Gh portion). Although given result of crop by its children, parent requirements remain to the responsibility of its children. Each month her children give the money addition to live and requirement expense. All parent expenditures, though have been given by the additional money, all child hold responsible to manage the expense of medication and treatment.

For the land of which have been given by parent, number child 1 and its 2 land have at the opposite of naming in certificate. While for the child of number 3 still not yet, ownership of land still be written by a parent name.

The following of Pas’s children are :

  1. Ab M, aged 50, teacher work, lives in the Bumiaji. Parent portion of land in the form of rice field for the width of 500 m2.
  2. Ab Sy, teacher, aged 47, lives in the countryside of Sidomulyo dukuh Parent portion in the form of land as wide as of 1000 m2 land aroused a house ( land have from wife portion the Abdul Syukur, become to omit to rouse the house.
  3. U Roch, aged 30, decorative flower business work, live in Banjarmasin, South Kalimantan. Parent portion in the form of house which nowadays taken possession by the parent (portion of Pasrib) and apple lawn about house about 400 m2.

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Old-Age Vulnerabilities: Asian and European Perspectives

Kin Diagram

Family of Pas

1 2

3 4 5 6 7 8

9 1011 12 13

Notes Pas kin diagram :

  1. Pas, 80 old6. Surachminingsih, 43 old11. Alfiana Kusumawati, 15 old
  2. Khu, 64 old 7. Mukardi Kasam, 33 old12. Lulut Ainul Roisyah, 21 old
  3. Abdul Manaf, 50 old8. Umi Rahmawati, 30 old13. Rachma Bagio Setyadi, 4 old
  4. Siti Zulaikah, 47 old9. Lukmanul Hakim, 21 old
  5. Abdul Sukur, 47 old10. Chairul Hidayat, 19 old

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Old-Age Vulnerabilities: Asian and European Perspectives

Family of Sat (±80 tahun) dan Ngap (±60 tahun)

Refering to the data from the interview with Sat ( 80 years old) and his wife Ngap ( 60 years old ) it was found that they have 7 children and 2000 M2) of land in a two different places. In a dukuh A the kin land being distributed among children, but in B dukuh the family land haven’t been distribute to all but separated into two parts, half parts to oldest son and a half parts became “Tanah gantungan B”[4]of the family land. The unique characteristic dividing of land based on consideration that the oldest son has a more family burden than the other. Thus, he will has more a piece of land.

After the parents are retired, they had transfer the risk and burden to their son and they became breeder. It will be useful if they are sick and need to the doctor as well as they need. If they had not enough money for the doctor or in Puskesmas[5] all the sons will support them.

Result of interview with Sat (± 80 year) and Ngap (± 60 year). Old age both unknown surely, because he did not remember and do not have Akta Kelahiran. The amount of family member 8 persons. They do not know how many land they have, but they known own land in two place. Land existence in this time have been divided to his children. One place divided for the seven of its child people. In addition, one land will be divided by two in other place, half part of for the child of (given to first child) and the rest of the shares but owned by parent as Tanah Gantungan.

According to them unlike land grant as tanah Gantungan which during the time there will be delivered to one of. Sat’s son. Tanah Gantungan will be given to last child which not yet married. This different division according to them caused that their first child has harder burden in economic and social responsibilities than his brother and sister. As the consequences the first child should guarantee of big burden than his sister’s.

Parent life after devide their land are more lighter, because parent are not need to think farm land, they really understand it is not easy, also do not go out the capital but non- stopped to get the result from advantage obtained by his son. In this time, the parent when shall no longer till the farmland, they chosen to work as breeder of chicken and goat preserver. This goat and chicken were bought from result of child gift, and will be sold if there is one who require and dare to bargain at the price of more than purchasing price.

If their parents are ill, medication expenses (to doctor, drug and treatment) will be supported by their son. Except the responsibility of parent expences it takes from saving money or by selling chicken and goat. If experiencing of insufficiency, hence parent will apply to the child. But which during the time is often happened by child will together change the expense released by a parent to medicine if pain.