Revolution and Counter Revolution in Germany

1IV. To Die For the Republic

FriedrichEngels

RevolutionandCounter-RevolutioninGermany

Written:1851-1852;
FirstPublished:October1851–October1852,NewYorkDailyTribune;
Publishedinbookform,editedbyEleanorMarxAveling:1896;
Transcription/Markup:SallyRyan,1999;
ProofedandcorrectedbyMarkHarris,2010.

TableofContents

I.GermanyattheOutbreakoftheRevolution.

II.ThePrussianState.

III.TheOtherGermanStates.

IV.Austria.

V.TheViennaInsurrection

VI.TheBerlinInsurrection.

VII.TheFrankfortNationalAssembly.

VIII.Poles,Tschechs,andGermans

IX.Panslavism – TheSchleswig-HolsteinWar.

X. TheParisRising – TheFrankfortAssembly

XI. TheViennaInsurrection

XII. TheStormingofVienna–TheBetrayalofVienna

XIII.ThePrussianAssembly–TheNationalAssembly

XIV.TheRestorationofOrder –DietandChamber

XV.TheTriumphofPrussia

XVI.TheAssemblyandtheGovernments

XVII.Insurrection

XVIII.PettyTraders

XIX.TheCloseoftheInsurrection

XX.TheLateTrialatCologne

NotebytheEditor

1I. Germany at the Outbreak of the Revolution

I.GermanyattheOutbreakoftheRevolution.

October25,1851.

THEfirstactoftherevolutionarydramaonthecontinentofEuropehasclosed.The “powersthatwere” beforethehurricaneof1848areagainthe “powersthatbe,” andthemoreorlesspopularrulersofaday,provisionalgovernors,triumvirs,dictatorswiththeirtailofrepresentatives,civilcommissioners,militarycommissioners,prefects,judges,generals,officers,andsoldiers,arethrownuponforeignshores,and “transportedbeyondtheseas” toEnglandorAmerica,theretoformnewgovernmentsinpartibusinfidelium,Europeancommittees,centralcommittees,nationalcommittees,andtoannouncetheiradventwithproclamationsquiteassolemnasthoseofanylessimaginarypotentates.

Amoresignaldefeatthanthatundergonebythecontinentalrevolutionaryparty–orratherparties–uponallpointsofthelineofbattle,cannotbeimagined.Butwhatofthat?HasnotthestruggleoftheBritishmiddleclassesfortheirsocialandpoliticalsupremacyembracedforty-eight,thatoftheFrenchmiddleclassesfortyyearsofunexampledstruggles?Andwastheirtriumphevernearerthanattheverymomentwhenrestoredmonarchythoughtitselfmorefirmlysettledthanever?Thetimesofthatsuperstitionwhichattributedrevolutionstotheill-willofafewagitatorshavelongpassedaway.Everyoneknowsnowadaysthatwhereverthereisarevolutionaryconvulsion,theremustbesomesocialwantinthebackground,whichisprevented,byoutworninstitutions,fromsatisfyingitself.Thewantmaynotyetbefeltasstrongly,asgenerally,asmightensureimmediatesuccess;buteveryattemptatforciblerepressionwillonlybringitforthstrongerandstronger,untilitburstsitsfetters.If,then,wehavebeenbeaten,wehavenothingelsetodobuttobeginagainfromthebeginning.And,fortunately,theprobablyveryshortintervalofrestwhichisallowedusbetweenthecloseofthefirstandthebeginningofthesecondactofthemovement,givesustimeforaverynecessarypieceofwork:thestudyofthecausesthatnecessitatedboththelateoutbreakanditsdefeat;causesthatarenottobesoughtforintheaccidentalefforts,talents,faults,errors,ortreacheriesofsomeoftheleaders,butinthegeneralsocialstateandconditionsofexistenceofeachoftheconvulsednations.ThatthesuddenmovementsofFebruaryandMarch,1848,werenottheworkofsingleindividuals,butspontaneous,irresistiblemanifestationsofnationalwantsandnecessities,moreorlessclearlyunderstood,butverydistinctlyfeltbynumerousclassesineverycountry,isafactrecognizedeverywhere;butwhenyouinquireintothecausesofthecounter-revolutionarysuccesses,thereyouaremetoneveryhandwiththereadyreplythatitwasMr.ThisorCitizenThatwho “betrayed” thepeople.Whichreplymaybeverytrueornot,accordingtocircumstances,butundernocircumstancesdoesitexplainanything–notevenshowhowitcametopassthatthe “people” allowedthemselvestobethusbetrayed.Andwhatapoorchancestandsapoliticalpartywhoseentirestock-in-tradeconsistsinaknowledgeofthesolitaryfactthatCitizenSo-and-soisnottobetrusted.

Theinquiryinto,andtheexpositionof,thecauses,bothoftherevolutionaryconvulsionanditssuppression,are,besides,ofparamountimportancefromahistoricalpointofview.Allthesepetty,personalquarrelsandrecriminations–allthesecontradictoryassertionsthatitwasMarrast,orLedruRollin,orLouisBlanc,oranyothermemberoftheProvisionalGovernment,orthewholeofthem,thatsteeredtheRevolutionamidsttherocksuponwhichitfoundered–ofwhatinterestcantheybe,whatlightcantheyafford,totheAmericanorEnglishmanwhoobservedallthesevariousmovementsfromadistancetoogreattoallowofhisdistinguishinganyofthedetailsofoperations?Nomaninhissenseswilleverbelievethatelevenmen,mostlyofveryindifferentcapacityeitherforgoodorevil,wereableinthreemonthstoruinanationofthirty-sixmillions,unlessthosethirty-sixmillionssawaslittleoftheirwaybeforethemastheelevendid.Buthowitcametopassthatthirty-sixmillionswereatoncecalledupontodecideforthemselveswhichwaytogo,althoughpartlygropingindimtwilight,andhowthentheygotlostandtheiroldleaderswereforamomentallowedtoreturntotheirleadership,thatisjustthequestion.

If,then,wetrytolaybeforethereadersofTheTribunethecauseswhich,whiletheynecessitatedtheGermanRevolutionof1848,ledquiteasinevitablytoitsmomentaryrepressionin1849and1850,weshallnotbeexpectedtogiveacompletehistoryofeventsastheypassedinthatcountry.Laterevents,andthejudgmentofcominggenerations,willdecidewhatportionofthatconfusedmassofseeminglyaccidental,incoherent,andincongruousfactsistoformapartoftheworld'shistory.Thetimeforsuchataskhasnotyetarrived;wemustconfineourselvestothelimitsofthepossible,andbesatisfied,ifwecanfindrationalcauses,baseduponundeniablefacts,toexplainthechiefevents,theprincipalvicissitudesofthatmovement,andtogiveusaclueastothedirectionwhichthenext,andperhapsnotverydistant,outbreakwillimparttotheGermanpeople.

Andfirstly,whatwasthestateofGermanyattheoutbreakoftheRevolution?

Thecompositionofthedifferentclassesofthepeoplewhichformthegroundworkofeverypoliticalorganizationwas,inGermany,morecomplicatedthaninanyothercountry.WhileinEnglandandFrancefeudalismwasentirelydestroyed,or,atleast,reduced,asintheformercountry,toafewinsignificantforms,byapowerfulandwealthymiddleclass,concentratedinlargetowns,andparticularlyinthecapital,thefeudalnobilityinGermanyhadretainedagreatportionoftheirancientprivileges.Thefeudalsystemoftenurewasprevalentalmosteverywhere.Thelordsofthelandhadevenretainedthejurisdictionovertheirtenants.Deprivedoftheirpoliticalprivileges,oftherighttocontroltheprinces,theyhadpreservedalmostalltheirMedievalsupremacyoverthepeasantryoftheirdemesnes,aswellastheirexemptionfromtaxes.Feudalismwasmoreflourishinginsomelocalitiesthaninothers,butnowhereexceptontheleftbankoftheRhinewasitentirelydestroyed.Thisfeudalnobility,thenextremelynumerousandpartlyverywealthywasconsidered,officially,thefirst “Order” inthecountry.ItfurnishedthehigherGovernmentofficials,italmostexclusivelyofficeredthearmy.

ThebourgeoisieofGermanywasbyfarnotaswealthyandconcentratedasthatofFranceorEngland.TheancientmanufacturesofGermanyhadbeendestroyedbytheintroductionofsteam,andtherapidlyextendingsupremacyofEnglishmanufactures;themoremodernmanufactures,startedundertheNapoleoniccontinentalsystem,establishedinotherpartsofthecountry,didnotcompensateforthelossoftheoldones,norsufficetocreateamanufacturingintereststrongenoughtoforceitswantsuponthenoticeofgovernmentsjealousofeveryextensionofnon-noblewealthandpower.IfFrancecarriedhersilkmanufacturesvictoriousthroughfiftyyearsofrevolutionsandwarsGermany,duringthesametime,allbutlostherancientlinentrade.Themanufacturingdistricts,besides,werefewandfarbetween;situatedfarinland,andusing,mostly,foreign,Dutch,orBelgianportsfortheirimportsandexports,theyhadlittleornointerestincommonwiththelargeseaporttownsontheNorthSeaandtheBaltic;theywere,aboveall,unabletocreatelargemanufacturingandtradingcentres,suchasParisandLyons,LondonandManchester.ThecausesofthisbackwardnessofGermanmanufacturesweremanifold,buttwowillsufficetoaccountforit:theunfavorablegeographicalsituationofthecountry,atadistancefromtheAtlantic,whichhadbecomethegreathighwayfortheworld'strade,andthecontinuouswarsinwhichGermanywasinvolved,andwhichwerefoughtonhersoil,fromthesixteenthcenturytothepresentday.Itwasthiswantofnumbers,andparticularlyofanythinglikeconcentratednumbers,whichpreventedtheGermanmiddleclassesfromattainingthatpoliticalsupremacywhichtheEnglishbourgeoisiehasenjoyedeversince1688,andwhichtheFrenchconqueredin1789.Andyet,eversince1815,thewealth,andwiththewealththepoliticalimportanceofthemiddleclassinGermany,wascontinuallygrowing.Governmentswere,althoughreluctantly,compelledtobow,atleasttoitsmoreimmediatematerialinterests.Itmayevenbetrulysaidthatfrom1815to1830,andfrom1832to1840everyparticleofpoliticalinfluence,which,havingbeenallowedtothemiddleclassintheconstitutionsofthesmallerStates,wasagainwrestedfromthemduringtheabovetwoperiodsofpoliticalreaction,thateverysuchparticlewascompensatedforbysomemorepracticaladvantageallowedtothem.Everypoliticaldefeatofthemiddleclassdrewafteritavictoryonthefieldofcommerciallegislation.Andcertainly,thePrussianProtectiveTariffof1818,andtheformationoftheZollverein,wereworthagooddealmoretothetradersandmanufacturersofGermanythantheequivocalrightofexpressinginthechambersofsomediminutivedukedomtheirwantofconfidenceinministerswholaughedattheirvotes.Thus,withgrowingwealthandextendingtrade,thebourgeoisiesoonarrivedatastagewhereitfoundthedevelopmentofitsmostimportantinterestscheckedbythepoliticalconstitutionofthecountry;byitsrandomdivisionamongthirty-sixprinceswithconflictingtendenciesandcaprices;bythefeudalfettersuponagricultureandthetradeconnectedwithit;bythepryingsuperintendencetowhichanignorantandpresumptuousbureaucracysubjectedallitstransactions.AtthesametimetheextensionandconsolidationoftheZollverein,thegeneralintroductionofsteamcommunication,thegrowingcompetitioninthehometrade,broughtthecommercialclassesofthedifferentStatesandProvincesclosertogether,equalizedtheirinterestsandcentralizedtheirstrength.ThenaturalconsequencewasthepassingofthewholemassofthemintothecampoftheLiberalOpposition,andthegainingofthefirstseriousstruggleoftheGermanmiddleclassforpoliticalpower.Thischangemaybedatedfrom1840,fromthemomentwhenthebourgeoisieofPrussiaassumedtheleadofthemiddleclassmovementofGermany.WeshallhereafterreverttothisLiberalOppositionmovementof1840-1847.

Thegreatmassofthenation,whichneitherbelongedtothenobilitynortothebourgeoisie,consistedinthetownsofthesmalltradingandshopkeepingclassandtheworkingpeople,andinthecountryofthepeasantry.

ThesmalltradingandshopkeepingclassisexceedinglynumerousinGermany,inconsequenceofthestinteddevelopmentwhichthelargecapitalistsandmanufacturersasaclasshavehadinthatcountry.Inthelargertownsitformsalmostthemajorityoftheinhabitants;inthesmalleronesitentirelypredominates,fromtheabsenceofwealthiercompetitorsorinfluence.Thisclass,amostimportantoneineverymodernbodypolitic,andinallmodernrevolutions,isstillmoreimportantinGermany,where,duringtherecentstruggles,itgenerallyplayedthedecisivepart.Itsintermediatepositionbetweentheclassoflargercapitalists,traders,andmanufacturers,thebourgeoisieproperlyso-called,andtheproletarianorindustrialclass,determinesitscharacter.Aspiringtothepositionofthefirst,theleastadverseturnoffortunehurlstheindividualsofthisclassdownintotheranksofthesecond.Inmonarchicalandfeudalcountriesthecustomofthecourtandaristocracybecomesnecessarytoitsexistence;thelossofthiscustommightruinagreatpartofit.Inthesmallertownsamilitarygarrison,acountygovernment,acourtoflawwithitsfollowers,formveryoftenthebaseofitsprosperity;withdrawthese,anddowngotheshopkeepers,thetailors,theshoemakers,thejoiners.Thuseternallytossedaboutbetweenthehopeofenteringtheranksofthewealthierclass,andthefearofbeingreducedtothestateofproletariansorevenpaupers;betweenthehopeofpromotingtheirinterestsbyconqueringashareinthedirectionofpublicaffairs,andthedreadofrousing,byill-timedopposition,theireofagovernmentwhichdisposesoftheirveryexistence,becauseithasthepowerofremovingtheirbestcustomers;possessedofsmallmeans,theinsecurityofthepossessionofwhichisintheinverseratiooftheamount,–thisclassisextremelyvacillatinginitsviews.HumbleandcrouchinglysubmissiveunderapowerfulfeudalormonarchicalGovernment,itturnstothesideofLiberalismwhenthemiddleclassisintheascendant;itbecomesseizedwithviolentdemocraticfitsassoonasthemiddleclasshassecureditsownsupremacy,butfallsbackintotheabjectdespondencyoffearassoonastheclassbelowitself,theproletarians,attemptsanindependentmovement.Weshallbyandbyseethisclass,inGermany,passalternatelyfromoneofthesestagestotheother.

TheworkingclassinGermanyis,initssocialandpoliticaldevelopment,asfarbehindthatofEnglandandFranceastheGermanbourgeoisieisbehindthebourgeoisieofthosecountries.Likemaster,likeman.Theevolutionoftheconditionsofexistenceforanumerous,strong,concentrated,andintelligentproletarianclassgoeshandinhandwiththedevelopmentoftheconditionsofexistenceforanumerous,wealthy,concentrated,andpowerfulmiddleclass.Theworkingclassmovementitselfneverisindependent,neverisofanexclusivelyproletariancharacteruntilallthedifferentfactionsofthemiddleclass,andparticularlyitsmostprogressivefaction,thelargemanufacturers,haveconqueredpoliticalpower,andremodelledtheStateaccordingtotheirwants.Itisthenthattheinevitableconflictbetweentheemployerandtheemployedbecomesimminent,andcannotbeadjournedanylonger;thattheworkingclasscannolongerbeputoffwithdelusivehopesandpromisesnevertoberealized;thatthegreatproblemofthenineteenthcentury,theabolitionoftheproletariat,isatlastbroughtforwardfairlyandinitsproperlight.Now,inGermanythemassoftheworkingclasswereemployed,notbythosemodernmanufacturinglordsofwhichGreatBritainfurnishessuchsplendidspecimens,butbysmalltradesmen,whoseentiremanufacturingsystemisamererelicoftheMiddleAges.Andasthereisanenormousdifferencebetweenthegreatcottonlordandthepettycobblerormastertailor,sothereisacorrespondingdistancefromthewide-awakefactoryoperativeofmodernmanufacturingBabylonstothebashfuljourneymantailororcabinetmakerofasmallcountrytown,wholivesincircumstancesandworksafteraplanverylittledifferentfromthoseofthelikesortofmensomefivehundredyearsago.Thisgeneralabsenceofmodernconditionsoflife,ofmodernmodesofindustrialproduction,ofcoursewasaccompaniedbyaprettyequallygeneralabsenceofmodernideas,anditis,therefore,nottobewonderedatif,attheoutbreakoftheRevolution,alargepartoftheworkingclassesshouldcryoutfortheimmediatere-establishmentofguildsandMediaevalprivilegedtrades'corporations.Yetfromthemanufacturingdistricts,wherethemodernsystemofproductionpredominated,andinconsequenceofthefacilitiesofinter-communicationandmentaldevelopmentaffordedbythemigratorylifeofalargenumberoftheworkingmen,astrongnucleusformeditself,whoseideasabouttheemancipationoftheirclasswerefarclearerandmoreinaccordancewithexistingfactsandhistoricalnecessities;buttheywereamereminority.Iftheactivemovementofthemiddleclassmaybedatedfrom1840,thatoftheworkingclasscommencesitsadventbytheinsurrectionsoftheSilesianandBohemianfactoryoperativesin1844,andweshallsoonhaveoccasiontopassinreviewthedifferentstagesthroughwhichthismovementpassed.

Lastly,therewasthegreatclassofthesmallfarmers,thepeasantry,whichwithitsappendixoffarmlaborers,constitutesaconsiderablemajorityoftheentirenation.Rutthisclassagainsub-divideditselfintodifferentfractions.Therewere,firstly,themorewealthyfarmers,whatiscalledinGermanyGrossandMittel-Bauern,proprietorsofmoreorlessextensivefarms,andeachofthemcommandingtheservicesofseveralagriculturallaborers.Thisclass,placedbetweenthelargeuntaxedfeudallandowners,andthesmallerpeasantryandfarmlaborers,forobviousreasonsfoundinanalliancewiththeantifeudalmiddleclassofthetownsitsmostnaturalpoliticalcourse.Thentherewere,secondly,thesmallfreeholders,predominatingintheRhinecountry,wherefeudalismhadsuccumbedbeforethemightystrokesofthegreatFrenchRevolution.Similarindependentsmallfreeholdersalsoexistedhereandthereinotherprovinces,wheretheyhadsucceededinbuyingoffthefeudalchargesformerlydueupontheirlands.Thisclass,however,wasaclassoffreeholdersbynameonly,theirpropertybeinggenerallymortgagedtosuchanextent,andundersuchonerousconditions,thatnotthepeasant,buttheusurerwhohadadvancedthemoney,wasthereallandowner.Thirdly,thefeudaltenants,whocouldnotbeeasilyturnedoutoftheirholdings,butwhohadtopayaperpetualrent,ortoperforminperpetuityacertainamountoflaborinfavorofthelordofthemanor.Lastly,theagriculturallaborers,whosecondition,inmanylargefarmingconcernswasexactlythatofthesameclassinEngland,andwhoinallcaseslivedanddiedpoor,ill-fed,andtheslavesoftheiremployers.Thesethreelatterclassesoftheagriculturalpopulation,thesmallfreeholders,thefeudaltenants,andtheagriculturallaborers,nevertroubledtheirheadsmuchaboutpoliticsbeforetheRevolution,butitisevidentthatthiseventmusthaveopenedtothemanewcareer,fullofbrilliantprospects.ToeveryoneofthemtheRevolutionofferedadvantages,andthemovementoncefairlyengagedin,itwastobeexpectedthateach,intheirturn,wouldjoinit.Butatthesametimeitisquiteasevident,andequallyborneoutbythehistoryofallmoderncountries,thattheagriculturalpopulation,inconsequenceofitsdispersionoveragreatspace,andofthedifficultyofbringingaboutanagreementamonganyconsiderableportionofit,nevercanattemptasuccessfulindependentmovement;theyrequiretheinitiatoryimpulseofthemoreconcentrated,moreenlightened,moreeasilymovedpeopleofthetowns.

Thepreceedingshortsketchofthemostimportantoftheclasses,whichintheiraggregateformedtheGermannationattheoutbreakoftherecentmovements,willalreadybesufficienttoexplainagreatpartoftheincoherence,incongruence,andapparentcontradictionwhichprevailedinthatmovement.Wheninterestssovaried,soconflicting,sostrangelycrossingeachother,arebroughtintoviolentcollision;whenthesecontendinginterestsineverydistrict,everyprovince,aremixedindifferentproportions;when,aboveall,thereisnogreatcentreinthecountry,noLondon,noParis,thedecisionsofwhich.bytheirweight,maysupersedethenecessityoffightingoutthesamequarreloverandoveragainineverysinglelocality;whatelseistobeexpectedbutthatthecontestwilldissolveitselfintoamassofunconnectedstruggles,inwhichanenormousquantityofblood,energy,andcapitalisspent,butwhichforallthatremainwithoutanydecisiveresults?

ThepoliticaldismembermentofGermanyintothreedozenofmoreorlessimportantprincipalitiesisequallyexplainedbythisconfusionandmultiplicityoftheelementswhichcomposethenation.andwhichagainvaryineverylocality.Wheretherearenocommonintereststherecanbenounityofpurpose,muchlessofaction.TheGermanconfederation,itistrue,wasdeclaredeverlastinglyindissoluble;yettheConfederation,anditsorgan,theDiet,neverrepresentedGermanunity.TheveryhighestpitchtowhichcentralizationwasevercarriedinGermanywastheestablishmentoftheZollverein;bythistheStatesontheNorthSeawerealsoforcedintoaCustomsUnionoftheirown,Austriaremainingwrappedupinherseparateprohibitivetariff.Germanyhadthesatisfactiontobe,forallpracticalpurposesdividedbetweenthreeindependentpowersonly,insteadofbetweenthirty-six.OfcoursetheparamountsupremacyoftheRussianCzar,asestablishedin1814,underwentnochangeonthisaccount.

Havingdrawnthesepreliminaryconclusionsfromourpremises,weshallsee,inournext,howtheaforesaidvariousclassesoftheGermanpeopleweresetintomovementoneaftertheother,andwhatcharacterthemovementassumedontheoutbreakoftheFrenchRevolutionof1848.

LONDON,September,1851.

1II. The Prussian State

II.ThePrussianState.

October28th,1851.

THEpoliticalmovementofthemiddleclassorbourgeoisie,inGermany,maybedatedfrom1840.Ithadbeenprecededbysymptomsshowingthatthemoneyedandindustrialclassofthatcountrywasripeningintoastatewhichwouldnolongerallowittocontinueapatheticandpassiveunderthepressureofahalf-feudal,half-bureaucraticMonarchism.ThesmallerprincesofGermany,partlytoinsuretothemselvesagreaterindependenceagainstthesupremacyofAustriaandPrussia,oragainsttheinfluenceofthenobilityoftheirownStates,partlyinordertoconsolidateintoawholethedisconnectedprovincesunitedundertheirrulebytheCongressofVienna,oneaftertheothergrantedconstitutionsofamoreorlessliberalcharacter.Theycoulddosowithoutanydangertothemselves;foriftheDietoftheConfederation,thismerepuppetofAustriaandPrussia,wastoencroachupontheirindependenceassovereigns,theyknewthatinresistingitsdictatestheywouldbebackedbypublicopinionandtheChambers;andif,onthecontrary,theseChambersgrewtoostrong,theycouldreadilycommandthepoweroftheDiettobreakdownallopposition.TheBavarian,Wurtemberg,BadenorHanoverianConstitutionalinstitutionscouldnot,undersuchcircumstances,giverisetoanyseriousstruggleforpoliticalpower,and,therefore,thegreatbulkoftheGermanmiddleclasskeptverygenerallyalooffromthepettysquabblesraisedintheLegislaturesofthesmallStates,wellknowingthatwithoutafundamentalchangeinthepolicyandconstitutionofthetwogreatpowersofGermany,nosecondaryeffortsandvictorieswouldbeofanyavail.But,atthesametime,araceofLiberallawyers,professionaloppositionists,sprungupinthesesmallassemblies:theRottecks,theWelckers,theRoemers,theJordans,theStuves,theEisenmanns,thosegreat “popularmen” (Volksmänner)who,afteramoreorlessnoisy,butalwaysunsuccessful,oppositionoftwentyyears,werecarriedtothesummitofpowerbytherevolutionaryspringtideof1848,andwho,afterhavingthereshowntheirutterimpotencyandinsignificance,werehurleddownagaininamoment.ThesefirstspecimenuponGermansoilofthetraderinpoliticsandopposition,bytheirspeechesandwritingsmadefamiliartotheGermanearthelanguageofConstitutionalism,andbytheirveryexistenceforebodedtheapproachofatimewhenthemiddleclasswouldseizeuponandrestoretotheirpropermeaningpoliticalphraseswhichthesetalkativeattorneysandprofessorswereinthehabitofusingwithoutknowingmuchaboutthesenseoriginallyattachedtothem.

Germanliterature,too,laboredundertheinfluenceofthepoliticalexcitementintowhichallEuropehadbeenthrownbytheeventsof1830.AcrudeConstitutionalismorastillcruderRepublicanism,werepreachedbyalmostallwritersofthetime.Itbecamemoreandmorethehabit,particularlyoftheinferiorsortsofliterati,tomakeupforthewantofclevernessintheirproductions,bypoliticalallusionswhichweresuretoattractattention.Poetry,novels,reviews,thedrama,everyliteraryproductionteemedwithwhatwascalled “tendency,” thatiswithmoreorlesstimidexhibitionsofananti-govermentalspirit.Inordertocompletetheconfusionofideasreigningafter1830inGermany,withtheseelementsofpoliticaloppositionthereweremixedupill-digesteduniversity-recollectionsofGermanphilosophy,andmisunderstoodgleaningsfromFrenchSocialism,particularlySaint-Simonism;andthecliqueofwriterswhoexpatiateduponthisheterogeneousconglomerateofideas,presumptuouslycalledthemselves “YoungGermany,” or “theModernSchool.” Theyhavesincerepentedtheiryouthfulsins,butnotimprovedtheirstyleofwriting.

Lastly,Germanphilosophy,thatmostcomplicated,butatthesametimemostsurethermometerofthedevelopmentoftheGermanmind,haddeclaredforthemiddleclass,whenHegelinhis “PhilosophyofLaw” pronouncedConstitutionalMonarchytobethefinalandmostperfectformofgovernment.Inotherwords,heproclaimedtheapproachingadventofthemiddleclassesofthecountrytopoliticalpower.Hisschool,afterhisdeath,didnotstophere.Whilethemoreadvancedsectionofhisfollowers,ononehand,subjectedeveryreligiousbelieftotheordealofarigorouscriticism,andshooktoitsfoundationtheancientfabricofChristianity,theyatthesametimebroughtforwardbolderpoliticalprinciplesthanhithertoithadbeenthefateofGermanearstohearexpounded,andattemptedtorestoretoglorythememoryoftheheroesofthefirstFrenchRevolution.Theabstrusephilosophicallanguageinwhichtheseideaswereclothed,ifitobscuredthemindofboththewriterandthereader,equallyblindedtheeyesofthecensor,andthusitwasthatthe “youngHegelian” writersenjoyedalibertyofthePressunknownineveryotherbranchofliterature.

ThusitwasevidentthatpublicopinionwasundergoingagreatchangeinGermany.Bydegreesthevastmajorityofthoseclasseswhoseeducationorpositioninlifeenabledthem,underanAbsoluteMonarchy,togainsomepoliticalinformation,andtoformanythinglikeanindependentpoliticalopinion,unitedintoonemightyphalanxofoppositionagainsttheexistingsystem.AndinpassingjudgmentupontheslownessofpoliticaldevelopmentinGermanynooneoughttoomittakingintoaccountthedifficultyofobtainingcorrectinformationuponanysubjectinacountrywhereallsourcesofinformationwereunderthecontroloftheGovernment,wherefromtheRaggedSchoolandtheSundaySchooltotheNewspaperandUniversitynothingwassaid,taught,printed,orpublishedbutwhathadpreviouslyobtaineditsapprobation.LookatVienna,forinstance.ThepeopleofVienna,inindustryandmanufactures,secondtononeperhapsinGermany;inspirit,courage,andrevolutionaryenergy,provingthemselvesfarsuperiortoall,wereyetmoreignorantastotheirrealinterests,andcommittedmoreblundersduringtheRevolutionthananyothers,andthiswasdueinaverygreatmeasuretothealmostabsoluteignorancewithregardtotheverycommonestpoliticalsubjectsinwhichMetternich'sGovernmenthadsucceededinkeepingthem.

Itneedsnofurtherexplanationwhy,undersuchasystem,politicalinformationwasanalmostexclusivemonopolyofsuchclassesofsocietyascouldaffordtopayforitsbeingsmuggledintothecountry,andmoreparticularlyofthosewhoseinterestsweremostseriouslyattackedbytheexistingstateofthings,namely,themanufacturingandcommercialclasses.They,therefore,werethefirsttouniteinamassagainstthecontinuanceofamoreorlessdisguisedAbsolutism,andfromtheirpassingintotheranksoftheoppositionmustbedatedthebeginningoftherealrevolutionarymovementinGermany.

TheoppositionalpronunciamentooftheGermanbourgeoisiemaybedatedfrom1840,fromthedeathofthelateKingofPrussia,thelastsurvivingfounderoftheHolyAllianceof1815.ThenewKingwasknowntobenosupporterofthepredominantlybureaucraticandmilitarymonarchyofhisfather.WhattheFrenchmiddleclasshadexpectedfromtheadventofLouisXVI.,theGermanbourgeoisiehoped,insomemeasure,fromFrederickWilliamIV.ofPrussia.Itwasagreeduponallhandsthattheoldsystemwasexploded,worn-out,andmustbegivenup;andwhathadbeenborneinsilenceundertheoldKingnowwasloudlyproclaimedtobeintolerable.

ButifLouisXVI., “LouisleDesire,” hadbeenaplain,unpretendingsimpleton,halfconsciousofhisownnullity,withoutanyfixedopinions,ruledprincipallybythehabitscontractedduringhiseducation, “FrederickWilliamleDesire” wassomethingquitedifferent.WhilehecertainlysurpassedhisFrenchoriginalinweaknessofcharacter,hewasneitherwithoutpretensionsnorwithoutopinions.Hehadmadehimselfacquainted,inanamateursortofway,withtherudimentsofmostsciences,andthoughthimself,therefore,learnedenoughtoconsiderfinalhisjudgmentuponeverysubject.Hemadesurehewasafirst-rateorator,andtherewascertainlynocommercialtravellerinBerlinwhocouldbeathimeitherinprolixityofpretendedwit,orinfluencyofelocution.And,aboveall,hehadhisopinions.HehatedanddespisedthebureaucraticelementofthePrussianMonarchy,butonlybecauseallhissympathieswerewiththefeudalelement.Himselfoneofthefoundersof,andchiefcontributorsto,theBerlinPoliticalWeeklyPaper,theso-calledHistoricalSchool(aschoollivingupontheideasofBonald,DeMaistre,andotherwritersofthefirstgenerationofFrenchLegitimists),heaimedatarestoration,ascompleteaspossible,ofthepredominantsocialpositionofthenobility.TheKing,firstnoblemanofhisrealm,surroundedinthefirstinstancebyasplendidcourtofmightyvassals,princes,dukes,andcounts;inthesecondinstance,byanumerousandwealthylowernobility;rulingaccordingtohisdiscretionoverhisloyalburgessesandpeasants,andthusbeinghimselfthechiefofacompletehierarchyofsocialranksorcastes,eachofwhichwastoenjoyitsparticularprivileges,andtobeseparatedfromtheothersbythealmostinsurmountablebarrierofbirth,orofafixed,inalterablesocialposition;thewholeofthesecastes,or “estatesoftherealm” balancingeachotheratthesametimesonicelyinpowerandinfluencethatacompleteindependenceofactionshouldremaintotheKing–-suchwasthebeauidealwhichFrederickWilliamIV.undertooktorealize,andwhichheisagaintryingtorealizeatthepresentmoment.

IttooksometimebeforethePrussianbourgeoisie,notverywellversedintheoreticalquestions,foundouttherealpurportoftheirKing'stendency.Butwhattheyverysoonfoundoutwasthefactthathewasbentuponthingsquitethereverseofwhattheywanted.HardlydidthenewKingfindhis “giftofthegab” unfetteredbyhisfather'sdeaththanhesetaboutproclaiminghisintentionsinspeecheswithoutnumber;andeveryspeech,everyactofhis,wentfartoestrangefromhimthesympathiesofthemiddleclass.Hewouldnothavecaredmuchforthat,ifithadnotbeenforsomesternandstartlingrealitieswhichinterruptedhispoeticdreams.Alas,thatromanticismisnotveryquickataccounts,andthatfeudalismeversinceDonQuixote,reckonswithoutitshost!FrederickWilliamIV.partooktoomuchofthatcontemptofreadycashwhicheverhasbeenthenoblestinheritanceofthesonsoftheCrusaders.Hefoundathisaccessionacostly,althoughparsimoniouslyarrangedsystemofgovernment,andamoderatelyfilledStateTreasury.Intwoyearseverytraceofasurpluswasspentincourtfestivals,royalprogresses,largesses,subventionstoneedy,seedy,andgreedynoblemen,etc.,andtheregulartaxeswerenolongersufficientfortheexigenciesofeitherCourtorGovernment.AndthusHisMajestyfoundhimselfverysoonplacedbetweenaglaringdeficitononeside,andalawof1820ontheother,bywhichanynewloan,oranyincreaseofthethenexistingtaxationwasmadeillegalwithouttheassentof “thefutureRepresentationofthePeople.” Thisrepresentationdidnotexist;thenewKingwaslessinclinedthanevenhisfathertocreateit;andifhehadbeen,heknewthatpublicopinionhadwonderfullychangedsincehisaccession.

Indeed,themiddleclasses,whohadpartlyexpectedthatthenewKingwouldatoncegrantaConstitution,proclaimtheLibertyofthePress,TrialbyJury,etc.,etc.–inshort,himselftaketheleadofthatpeacefulrevolutionwhichtheywantedinordertoobtainpoliticalsupremacy-themiddleclasseshadfoundouttheirerror,andhadturnedferociouslyagainsttheKing.IntheRhineProvinces,andmoreorlessgenerallyalloverPrussia,theyweresoexasperatedthatthey,beingshortthemselvesofmenabletorepresenttheminthePress,wenttothelengthofanalliancewiththeextremephilosophicalparty,ofwhichwehavespokenabove.ThefruitofthisalliancewastheRhenishGazetteofCologne,[1]apaperwhichwassuppressedafterfifteenmonths'existence,butfromwhichmaybedatedtheexistenceoftheNewspaperPressinGermany.Thiswasin1842.

ThepoorKing,whosecommercialdifficultieswerethekeenestsatireuponhisMediaevalpropensities,verysoonfoundoutthathecouldnotcontinuetoreignwithoutmakingsomeslightconcessiontothepopularoutcryforthat “RepresentationofthePeople,” which,asthelastremnantofthelong-forgottenpromisesof1813and1815hadbeenembodiedinthelawof1820.HefoundtheleastobjectionablemodeofsatisfyingthisuntowardlawincallingtogethertheStandingCommitteesoftheProvincialDiets.TheProvincialDietshadbeeninstitutedin1823.Theyconsistedforeveryoneoftheeightprovincesofthekingdom:–(I)Ofthehighernobility,theformerlysovereignfamiliesoftheGermanEmpire,theheadsofwhichweremembersoftheDietbybirthright.(2)Oftherepresentativesoftheknights,orlowernobility.(3)Ofrepresentativesoftowns.(4)Ofdeputiesofthepeasantry,orsmallfarmingclass.ThewholewasarrangedinsuchamannerthatineveryprovincethetwosectionsofthenobilityalwayshadamajorityoftheDiet.EveryoneoftheseeightProvincialDietselectedaCommittee,andtheseeightCommitteeswerenowcalledtoBerlininordertoformaRepresentativeAssemblyforthepurposeofvotingthemuch-desiredloan.ItwasstatedthattheTreasurywasfull,andthattheloanwasrequired,notforcurrentwants,butfortheconstructionofaStaterailway.ButtheunitedCommitteesgavetheKingaflatrefusal,declaringthemselvesincompetenttoactastherepresentativesofthepeople,andcalleduponHisMajestytofulfilthepromiseofaRepresentativeConstitutionwhichhisfatherhadgiven,whenhewantedtheaidofthepeopleagainstNapoleon.

ThesittingoftheunitedCommitteesprovedthatthespiritofoppositionwasnolongerconfinedtothebourgeoisie.Apartofthepeasantryhadjoinedthem,andmanynobles,beingthemselveslargefarmersontheirownproperties,anddealersincorn,wool,spirits,andflax,requiringthesameguaranteesagainstabsolutism,bureaucracy,andfeudalrestoration,hadequallypronouncedagainsttheGovernment,andforaRepresentativeConstitution.TheKing'splanhadsignallyfailed;hehadgotnomoney,andhadincreasedthepoweroftheopposition.ThesubsequentsittingoftheProvincialDietsthemselveswasstillmoreunfortunatefortheKing.Allofthemaskedforreforms,forthefulfilmentofthepromisesof1813and1815,foraConstitutionandaFreePress;theresolutionstothiseffectofsomeofthemwereratherdisrespectfullyworded,andtheill-humoredrepliesoftheexasperatedKingmadetheevilstillgreater.

Inthemeantime,thefinancialdifficultiesoftheGovernmentwentonincreasing.Foratime,abatementsmadeuponthemoneysappropriatedforthedifferentpublicservices,fraudulenttransactionswiththe “Seehandlung,” acommercialestablishmentspeculatingandtradingforaccountandriskoftheState,andlongsinceactingasitsmoney-broker,hadsufficedtokeepupappearances;increasedissuesofStatepaper-moneyhadfurnishedsomeresources;andthesecret,uponthewhole,hadbeenprettywellkept.Butallthesecontrivancesweresoonexhausted.Therewasanotherplantried:theestablishmentofabank,thecapitalofwhichwastobefurnishedpartlybytheStateandpartlybyprivateshareholders;thechiefdirectiontobelongtotheState,insuchamannerastoenabletheGovernmenttodrawuponthefundsofthisbanktoalargeamount,andthustorepeatthesamefraudulenttransactionsthatwouldnolongerdowiththe “Seehandlung.” But,asamatterofcourse,therewerenocapitaliststobefoundwhowouldhandovertheirmoneyuponsuchconditions;thestatutesofthebankhadtobealtered,andthepropertyoftheshareholdersguaranteedfromtheencroachmentsoftheTreasury,beforeanysharesweresubscribedfor.Thus,thisplanhavingfailed,thereremainednothingbuttotryaloan,ifcapitalistscouldbefoundwhowouldlendtheircashwithoutrequiringthepermissionandguaranteeofthatmysterious “futureRepresentationofthePeople.” Rothchildwasappliedto,andhedeclaredthatiftheloanwastobeguaranteedbythis “RepresentationofthePeople,” hewouldundertakethethingatamoment'snotice–ifnot,hecouldnothaveanythingtodowiththetransaction.

Thuseveryhopeofobtainingmoneyhadvanished,andtherewasnopossibilityofescapingthefatal “RepresentationofthePeople.” Rothschild'srefusalwasknowninautumn,1846,andinFebruaryofthenextyeartheKingcalledtogetheralltheeightProvincialDietstoBerlin,formingthemintoone “UnitedDiet.” ThisDietwastodotheworkrequired,incaseofneed,bythelawof1820;itwastovoteloansandincreasedtaxes,butbeyondthatitwastohavenorights.Itsvoiceupongenerallegislationwastobemerelyconsultative;itwastoassemble,notatfixedperiods,butwheneveritpleasedtheKing;itwastodiscussnothingbutwhattheGovernmentpleasedtolaybeforeit.Ofcourse,thememberswereverylittlesatisfiedwiththeparttheywereexpectedtoperform.Theyrepeatedthewishestheyhadenouncedwhentheymetintheprovincialassembles;therelationsbetweenthemandtheGovernmentsoonbecameacrimonious,andwhentheloan,whichwasagainstatedtoberequiredforrailwayconstructions,wasdemandedfromthem,theyagainrefusedtograntit.

Thisvoteverysoonbroughttheirsittingtoaclose.TheKing,moreandmoreexasperated,dismissedthemwithareprimand,butstillremainedwithoutmoney.And,indeed,hehadeveryreasontobealarmedathisposition,seeingthattheLiberalLeague,headedbythemiddleclasses,comprisingalargepartofthelowernobility,andallthedifferentsectionsofthelowerorders–thatthisLiberalLeaguewasdeterminedtohavewhatitwanted.InvaintheKinghaddeclared,intheopeningspeech,thathewouldnever,nevergrantaConstitutioninthemodernsenseoftheword;theLiberalLeagueinsisteduponsuchamodern,anti-feudal,RepresentativeConstitution,withallitssequels,LibertyofthePress,TrialbyJury,etc.;andbeforetheygotit,notafarthingofmoneywouldtheygrant.Therewasonethingevident:thatthingscouldnotgoonlonginthismanner,andthateitheroneofthepartiesmustgiveway,orthatarupture–abloodystruggle–mustensue.Andthemiddleclassesknewthattheywereontheeveofarevolution,andtheypreparedthemselvesforit.Theysoughttoobtainbyeverypossiblemeansthesupportoftheworkingclassofthetowns,andofthepeasantryintheagriculturaldistricts,anditiswellknownthattherewas,inthelatterendof1847,hardlyasingleprominentpoliticalcharacteramongthebourgeoisiewhodidnotproclaimhimselfa “Socialist,” inordertoinsuretohimselfthesympathyoftheproletarianclass.Weshallseethese “Socialists” atworkbyandby.

Thiseagernessoftheleadingbourgeoisietoadopt,atleasttheoutwardshowofSocialism,wascausedbyagreatchangethathadcomeovertheworkingclassesofGermany.Therehadbeeneversince1840afractionofGermanworkmen,who,travellinginFranceandSwitzerland,hadmoreorlessimbibedthecrudeSocialistorCommunistnotionsthencurrentamongtheFrenchworkmen.TheincreasingattentionpaidtosimilarideasinFranceeversince1840madeSocialismandCommunismfashionableinGermanyalso,andasfarbackas1843,allnewspapersteemedwithdiscussionsofsocialquestions.AschoolofSocialistsverysoonformeditselfinGermany,distinguishedmorefortheobscuritythanforthenoveltyofitsideas;itsprincipaleffortsconsistedinthetranslationofFrenchFourierist,Saint-Simonian,andotherdoctrinesintotheabstruselanguageofGermanphilosophy.TheGermanCommunistschool,entirelydifferentfromthissect,wasformedaboutthesametime.

In1844,thereoccurredtheSilesianweavers'riots,followedbytheinsurrectionofthecalicoprintersofPrague.Theseriots,cruellysuppressed,riotsofworkingmennotagainsttheGovernment,butagainsttheiremployers,createdadeepsensation,andgaveanewstimulustoSocialistandCommunistpropagandaamongsttheworkingpeople.Sodidthebreadriotsduringtheyearoffamine,1847.Inshort,inthesamemannerasConstitutionalOppositionralliedarounditsbannerthegreatbulkofthepropertiedclasses(withtheexceptionofthelargefeudalland-holders),sotheworkingclassesofthelargertownslookedfortheiremancipationtotheSocialistandCommunistdoctrines,although,underthethenexistingPresslaws,theycouldbemadetoknowonlyverylittleaboutthem.Theycouldnotbeexpectedtohaveanyverydefiniteideasastowhattheywanted;theyonlyknewthattheprogrammeoftheConstitutionalbourgeoisiedidnotcontainalltheywanted,andthattheirwantswerenowisecontainedintheConstitutionalcircleofideas.

TherewasthennoseparateRepublicanpartyinGermany.PeoplewereeitherConstitutionalMonarchists,ormoreorlessclearlydefinedSocialistsorCommunists.

Withsuchelementstheslightestcollisionmusthavebroughtaboutagreatrevolution.Whilethehighernobilityandtheoldercivilandmilitaryofficersweretheonlysafesupportsoftheexistingsystem;whilethelowernobility,thetradingmiddleclasses,theuniversities,theschool-mastersofeverydegree,andevenpartofthelowerranksofthebureaucracyandmilitaryofficerswereallleaguedagainsttheGovernment;whilebehindthesetherestoodthedissatisfiedmassesofthepeasantry,andoftheproletariansofthelargetowns,supporting,forthetimebeing,theLiberalOpposition,butalreadymutteringstrangewordsabouttakingthingsintotheirownhands;whilethebourgeoisiewasreadytohurldowntheGovernment,andtheproletarianswerepreparingtohurldownthebourgeoisieinitsturn;thisGovernmentwentonobstinatelyinacoursewhichmustbringaboutacollision.Germanywas,inthebeginningof1848,ontheeveofarevolution,andthisrevolutionwassuretocome,evenhadtheFrenchRevolutionofFebruarynothastenedit.

WhattheeffectsofthisParisianRevolutionwereuponGermanyweshallseeinournext.

LONDON,September,1851.

1III. The Other German States

III.TheOtherGermanStates.

November6th,1851.

INourlastweconfinedourselvesalmostexclusivelytothatStatewhich,duringtheyears1840to1848,wasbyfarthemostimportantintheGermanmovement,namely,toPrussia.Itis,however,timetopassarapidglanceovertheotherStatesofGermanyduringthesameperiod.

AstothepettyStates,theyhad,eversincetherevolutionarymovementsof1830,completelypassedunderthedictatorshipoftheDiet,thatisofAustriaandPrussia.TheseveralConstitutions,establishedasmuchasameansofdefenceagainstthedictatesofthelargerStates,astoinsurepopularitytotheirprincelyauthors,andunitytoheterogeneousAssembliesofProvinces,formedbytheCongressofVienna,withoutanyleadingprinciplewhatever–theseConstitutions,illusoryastheywere,hadyetproveddangeroustotheauthorityofthepettyprincesthemselvesduringtheexcitingtimesof1830and1831.Theywereallbutdestroyed;whateverofthemwasallowedtoremainwaslessthanashadow,anditrequiredtheloquaciousself-complacencyofaWelcker,aRotteck,aDahlmann,toimaginethatanyresultscouldpossiblyflowfromthehumbleopposition,mingledwithdegradingflattery,whichtheywereallowedtoshowoffintheimpotentChambersofthesepettyStates.

ThemoreenergeticportionofthemiddleclassinthesesmallerStates,verysoonafter1840,abandonedallthehopestheyhadformerlybaseduponthedevelopmentofParliamentarygovernmentinthesedependenciesofAustriaandPrussia.NosoonerhadthePrussianbourgeoisieandtheclassesalliedtoitshownaseriousresolutiontostruggleforParliamentarygovernmentinPrussia,thantheywereallowedtotaketheleadoftheConstitutionalmovementoverallnon-AustrianGermany.Itisafactwhichnowwillnotanylongerbecontested,thatthenucleusofthoseConstitutionalistsofCentralGermany,whoafterwardssecededfromtheFrankfortNationalAssembly,andwho,fromtheplaceoftheirseparatemeetings,werecalledtheGothaparty,longbefore1848contemplatedaplanwhich,withlittlemodification,theyin1849proposedtotherepresentativesofallGermany.TheyintendedacompleteexclusionofAustriafromtheGermanConfederation,theestablishmentofanewconfederationwithanewfundamentallaw,andwithafederalparliament,undertheprotectionofPrussia,and,theincorporationofthemoreinsignificantstatesintothelargerones.AllthiswastobecarriedoutthemomentPrussiaenteredintotheranksofConstitutionalMonarchy,establishedtheLibertyofthePress,assumedapolicyindependentfromthatofRussiaandAustria,andthusenabledtheConstitutionalistsofthelesserStatestoobtainarealcontrolovertheirrespectiveGovernments.TheinventorofthisschemewasProfessorGervinus,ofHeidelberg(Baden).ThustheemancipationofthePrussianbourgeoisiewastobethesignalforthatofthemiddleclassesofGermanygenerally,andforanalliance,offensiveanddefensiveofbothagainstRussiaandAustria,forAustriawas,asweshallseepresently,consideredasanentirelybarbariancountry,ofwhichverylittlewasknown,andthatlittlenottothecreditofitspopulation;Austria,therefore,wasnotconsideredasanessentialpartofGermany.

Astotheotherclassesofsociety,inthesmallerStatestheyfollowed,moreorlessrapidly,inthewakeoftheirequalsinPrussia.TheshopkeepingclassgotmoreandmoredissatisfiedwiththeirrespectiveGovernments,withtheincreaseoftaxation,withthecurtailmentsofthosepoliticalsham-privilegesofwhichtheyusedtoboastwhencomparingthemselvestothe “slavesofdespotism” inAustriaandPrussia;butasyettheyhadnothingdefiniteintheiroppositionwhichmightstampthemasanindependentparty,distinctfromtheConstitutionalismofthehigherbourgeoisie.Thedissatisfactionamongthepeasantrywasequallygrowing,butitiswellknownthatthissectionofthepeople,inquietandpeacefultimes,willneverassertitsinterestsandassumeitspositionasanindependentclass,exceptincountrieswhereuniversalsuffrageisestablished.Theworkingclassesinthetradesandmanufacturesofthetownscommencedtobeinfectedwiththe “poison” ofSocialismandCommunism,buttherebeingfewtownsofanyimportanceoutofPrussia,andstillfewermanufacturingdistricts,themovementofthisclass,owingtothewantofcentresofactionandpropaganda,wasextremelyslowinthesmallerStates.

BothinPrussiaandinthesmallerStatesthedifficultyofgivingventtopoliticaloppositioncreatedasortofreligiousoppositionintheparallelmovementsofGermanCatholicismandFreeCongregationalism.Historyaffordsusnumerousexampleswhere,incountrieswhichenjoytheblessingsofaStateChurch,andwherepoliticaldiscussionisfettered,theprofaneanddangerousoppositionagainsttheworldlypowerishidunderthemoresanctifiedandapparentlymoredisinterestedstruggleagainstspiritualdespotism.ManyaGovernmentthatwillnotallowofanyofitsactsbeingdiscussed,willhesitatebeforeitcreatesmartyrsandexcitesthereligiousfanaticismofthemasses.ThusinGermany,in1845,ineveryState,eithertheRomanCatholicortheProtestantreligion,orboth,wereconsideredpartandparcelofthelawoftheland.IneveryState,too,theclergyofeitherofthosedenominations,orofboth,formedanessentialpartofthebureaucraticestablishmentoftheGovernment.ToattackProtestantorCatholicorthodoxy,toattackpriestcraft,wasthentomakeanunderhandattackupontheGovernmentitself.AstotheGermanCatholics,theirveryexistencewasanattackupontheCatholicGovernmentsofGermany,particularlyAustriaandBavaria;andassuchitwastakenbythoseGovernments.TheFreeCongregationalists,ProtestantDissenters,somewhatresemblingtheEnglishandAmericanUnitarians,openlyprofessedtheiroppositiontotheclericalandrigidlyorthodoxtendencyoftheKingofPrussiaandhisfavouriteMinisterfortheEducationalandClericalDepartment,Mr.Eickhorn.Thetwonewsects,rapidlyextendingforamoment,thefirstinCatholic,thesecondinProtestantcountries,hadnootherdistinctionbuttheirdifferentorigin;astotheirtenets,theyperfectlyagreeduponthismostimportantpointthatalldefinitedogmaswerenugatory.Thiswantofanydefinitionwastheirveryessence;theypretendedtobuildthatgreattempleundertheroofofwhichallGermansmightunite;theythusrepresented,inareligiousform,anotherpoliticalideaoftheday–thatofGermanunity,andyettheycouldneveragreeamongthemselves.

TheideaofGermanunity,whichtheabove-mentionedsectssoughttorealize,atleast,uponreligiousground,byinventingacommonreligionforallGermans,manufacturedexpresslyfortheiruse,habits,andtaste–thisideawas,indeed,verywidelyspread,particularlyinthesmallerStates.EversincethedissolutionoftheGermanEmpirebyNapoleon,thecryforaunionofallthedisjectamembraoftheGermanbodyhadbeenthemostgeneralexpressionofdiscontentwiththeestablishedorderofthings,andmostsointhesmallerStates,wherecostlinessofacourt,anadministration,anarmy,inshort,thedeadweightoftaxation,increasedinadirectratiowiththesmallnessandimpotencyoftheState.ButwhatthisGermanunitywastobewhencarriedoutwasaquestionuponwhichpartiesdisagreed.Thebourgeoisie,whichwantednoseriousrevolutionaryconvulsion,weresatisfiedwithwhatwehaveseentheyconsidered “practicable,” namelyaunionofallGermany,exclusiveofAustria,underthesupremacyofaConstitutionalGovernmentofPrussia;andsurely,withoutconjuringdangerousstorms,nothingmorecould,atthattime,bedone.Theshopkeepingclassandthepeasantry,asfarastheselattertroubledthemselvesaboutsuchthings,neverarrivedatanydefinitionofthatGermanunitytheysoloudlyclamouredafter;afewdreamers,mostlyfeudalistreactionists,hopedforthereestablishmentoftheGermanEmpire;somefewignorant,soi-disantRadicals,admiringSwissinstitutions,ofwhichtheyhadnotyetmadethatpracticalexperiencewhichafterwardsmostludicrouslyundeceivedthem,pronouncedforaFederatedRepublic;anditwasonlythemostextremepartywhich,atthattime,daredpronounceforaGermanRepublic,oneandindivisible.Thus,Germanunitywasinitselfaquestionbigwithdisunion,discord,and,inthecaseofcertaineventualities,evencivilwar.

Toresume,then:thiswasthestateofPrussia,andthesmallerStatesofGermany,attheendof1847.Themiddleclass,feelingtheirpower,andresolvednottoenduremuchlongerthefetterswithwhichafeudalandbureaucraticdespotismenchainedtheircommercialtransactions,theirindustrialproductivity,theircommonactionasaclass;aportionofthelandednobilitysofarchangedintoproducersofmeremarketablecommodities,astohavethesameinterestsandtomakecommoncausewiththemiddleclass;thesmallertradingclass,dissatisfied,grumblingatthetakes,attheimpedimentsthrowninthewayoftheirbusiness,butwithoutanydefiniteplanforsuchreformsasshouldsecuretheirpositioninthesocialandpoliticalbody;thepeasantry,oppressedherebyfeudalexactions,therebymoney-lenders,usurers,andlawyers;theworkingpeopleofthetownsinfectedwiththegeneraldiscontent,equallyhatingtheGovernmentandthelargeindustrialcapitalists,andcatchingthecontagionofSocialistandCommunistideas;inshort,aheterogeneousmassofopposition,springingfromvariousinterests,butmoreorlessledonbythebourgeoisie,inthefirstranksofwhichagainmarchedthebourgeoisieofPrussia,andparticularlyoftheRhineProvince.Ontheotherhand,Governmentsdisagreeinguponmanypoints,distrustfulofeachother,andparticularlyofthatofPrussia,uponwhichyettheyhadtorelyforprotection;inPrussiaaGovernmentforsakenbypublicopinion,forsakenbyevenaportionofthenobility,leaninguponanarmyandabureaucracywhicheverydaygotmoreinfectedbytheideas,andsubjectedtotheinfluence,oftheoppositionalbourgeoisie–aGovernment,besidesallthis,pennilessinthemostliteralmeaningoftheword,andwhichcouldnotprocureasinglecenttocoveritsincreasingdeficit,butbysurrenderingatdiscretiontotheoppositionofthebourgeoisie.Wasthereeveramoresplendidpositionforthemiddleclassofanycountry,whileitstruggledforpoweragainsttheestablishedGovernment?

LONDON,September,1851.

1IV. Austria

IV.Austria.

November7th,1851.

WEhavenowtoconsiderAustria:thatcountrywhich,uptoMarch,1848,wassealeduptotheeyesofforeignnationsalmostasmuchasChinabeforethelatewarwithEngland.

Asamatterofcourse,wecanheretakeintoconsiderationnothingbutGermanAustria.TheaffairsofthePolish,Hungarian,orItalianAustriansdonotbelongtooursubject,andasfarasthey,since1848,haveinfluencedthefateoftheGermanAustrians,theywillhavetobetakenintoaccounthereafter.

TheGovernmentofPrinceMetternichturnedupontwohinges;firstly,tokeepeveryoneofthedifferentnationssubjectedtotheAustrianrule,incheck,byallothernationssimilarlyconditioned;secondly,andthisalwayshasbeenthefundamentalprincipleofabsolutemonarchies,torelyforsupportupontwoclasses,thefeudallandlordsandthelargestockjobbingcapitalists;andtobalance,atthesametime,theinfluenceandpowerofeitheroftheseclassesbythatoftheother,soastoleavefullindependenceofactiontotheGovernment.Thelandednobility,whoseentireincomeconsistedinfeudalrevenuesofallsorts,couldnotbutsupportaGovernmentwhichprovedtheironlyprotectionagainstthatdown-troddenclassofserfsuponwhosespoilstheylived;andwheneverthelesswealthyportionofthem,asinGalicia,in1846,roseinoppositionagainsttheGovernment,Metternichinaninstantletlooseuponthemtheseveryserfs,whoatanyrateprofitedbytheoccasiontowreakaterriblevengeanceupontheirmoreimmediateoppressors.Ontheotherhand,thelargecapitalistsoftheExchangewerechainedtoMetternich'sGovernmentbythevastsharetheyhadinthepublicfundsofthecountry.Austria,restoredtoherfullpowerin1815restoringandmaintaininginItalyAbsoluteMonarchyeversince1820,freedfrompartofherliabilitiesbythebankruptcyof1810,had,afterthepeace,verysoonre-establishedhercreditinthegreatEuropeanmoneymarkets;andinproportionashercreditgrew,shehaddrawnagainstit.ThusallthelargeEuropeanmoneydealershadengagedconsiderableportionsoftheircapitalintheAustrianfunds;theyallofthemwereinterestedinupholdingthecreditofthatcountry,andasAustrianpubliccredit,inordertobeupheld,everrequirednewloans,theywereobligedfromtimetotimetoadvancenewcapitalinordertokeepupthecreditofthesecuritiesforthatwhichtheyalreadyhadadvanced.Thelongpeaceafter1815,andtheapparentimpossibilityofathousandyearsoldempire,likeAustria,beingupset,increasedthecreditofMetternich'sGovernmentinawonderfulratio,andmadeitevenindependentofthegoodwilloftheViennabankersandstock-jobbers;foraslongasMetternichcouldobtainplentyofmoneyatFrankfortandAmsterdam,hehad,ofcourse,thesatisfactionofseeingtheAustriancapitalistsathisfeet.Theywere,besides,ineveryotherrespectathismercy:thelargeprofitswhichbankers,stock-jobbers,andGovernmentcontractorsalwayscontrivetodrawoutofanabsolutemonarchy,werecompensatedforbythealmostunlimitedpowerwhichtheGovernmentpossessedovertheirpersonsandfortunes;andnotthesmallestshadowofanoppositionwas,therefore,tobeexpectedfromthisquarter.ThusMetternichwassureofthesupportofthetwomostpowerfulandinfluentialclassesoftheempire,andhepossessedbesidesanarmyandabureaucracy,whichforallpurposesofabsolutismcouldnotbebetterconstituted.ThecivilandmilitaryofficersintheAustrianserviceformaraceoftheirown;theirfathershavebeenintheserviceoftheKaiser,andsowilltheirsonsbe;theybelongtononeofthemultifariousnationalitiescongregatedunderthewingofthedouble-headedeagle;theyare,andeverhavebeen,removedfromoneendoftheempiretotheother,fromPolandtoItaly,fromGermanytoTransylvania;Hungarian,Pole,German,Roumanian,Italian,Croat,everyindividualnotstampedwith “imperialandroyalauthority,” etc.,bearingaseparatenationalcharacter,isequallydespisedbythem;theyhavenonationality,orrather,theyalonemakeupthereallyAustriannation.Itisevidentwhatapliable,andatthesametimepowerfulinstrument,inthehandsofanintelligentandenergeticchief,suchacivilandmilitaryhierarchymustbe.

Astotheotherclassesofthepopulation,Metternich,inthetruespiritofastatesmanoftheancienregime,caredlittlefortheirsupport.Hehad,withregardtothem,butonepolicy:todrawasmuchaspossibleoutofthemintheshapeoftaxation,andatthesametime,tokeepthemquiet.ThetradingandmanufacturingmiddleclasswasbutofslowgrowthinAustria.ThetradeoftheDanubewascomparativelyunimportant;thecountrypossessedbutoneport,Trieste,andthetradeoftheportwasverylimited.Astothemanufacturers,theyenjoyedconsiderableprotection,amountingeveninmostcasestothecompleteexclusionofallforeigncompetition;butthisadvantagehadbeengrantedtothemprincipallywithaviewtoincreasetheirtax-payingcapabilities,andwasinahighdegreecounterpoisedbyinternalrestrictionsonmanufactures,privilegesonguilds,andotherfeudalcorporations,whichwerescrupulouslyupheldaslongastheydidnotimpedethepurposesandviewsoftheGovernment.ThepettytradesmenwereencasedinthenarrowboundsoftheseMediaevalguilds,whichkeptthedifferenttradesinaperpetualwarofprivilegeagainsteachother,andatthesametime,byallbutexcludingindividualsoftheworkingclassfromthepossibilityofraisingthemselvesinthesocialscale,gaveasortofhereditarystabilitytothemembersofthoseinvoluntaryassociations.Lastly,thepeasantandtheworkingmanweretreatedasmeretaxablematter,andtheonlycarethatwastakenofthemwastokeepthemasmuchaspossibleinthesameconditionsoflifeinwhichtheythenexisted,andinwhichtheirfathershadexistedbeforethem.Forthispurposeeveryold,established,hereditaryauthoritywasupheldinthesamemannerasthatoftheState:theauthorityofthelandlordoverthepettytenantfarmer,thatofthemanufacturerovertheoperative,ofthesmallmasteroverthejourneymanandapprentice,ofthefatherovertheson,waseverywhererigidlymaintainedbytheGovernment,andeverybranchofdisobediencepunishedthesameasatransgressionofthelaw,bythatuniversalinstrumentofAustrianjustice–thestick.

Finally,towindupintoonecomprehensivesystemalltheseattemptsatcreatinganartificialstability,theintellectualfoodallowedtothenationwasselectedwiththeminutestcaution,anddealtoutassparinglyaspossible.EducationwaseverywhereinthehandsoftheCatholicpriesthood,whosechiefs,inthesamemannerasthelargefeudallandowners,weredeeplyinterestedintheconservationoftheexistingsystem.Theuniversitieswereorganizedinamannerwhichallowedthemtoproducenothingbutspecialmen,thatmightormightnotobtaingreatproficiencyinsundryparticularbranchesofknowledge,butwhich,atallevents,excludedthatuniversalliberaleducationwhichotheruniversitiesareexpectedtoimpart.Therewasabsolutelynonewspaperpress,exceptinHungary,andtheHungarianpaperswereprohibitedinallotherpartsofthemonarchy.Astogeneralliterature,itsrangehadnotwidenedforacentury;ithadnarrowedagainafterthedeathofJosephII.Andallaroundthefrontier,whereevertheAustrianStatestoucheduponacivilizedcountry,acordonofliterarycensorswasestablishedinconnectionwiththecordonofcustomhouseofficials,preventinganyforeignbookornewspaperfrompassingintoAustriabeforeitscontentshadbeentwiceorthreetimesthoroughlysifted,andfoundpureofeventheslightestcontaminationofthemalignantspiritoftheage.

Foraboutthirtyyearsafter1815thissystemworkedwithwonderfulsuccess.AustriaremainedalmostunknowntoEurope,andEuropewasquiteaslittleknowninAustria.Thesocialstateofeveryclassofthepopulation,andofthepopulationasawhole,appearednottohaveundergonetheslightestchange.Whateverrancourtheremightexistfromclasstoclass–andtheexistenceofthisrancourwasforMetternichaprincipalconditionofgovernment,whichheevenfosteredbymakingthehigherclassestheinstrumentsofallGovernmentexactions,andthusthrowingtheodiumuponthem–whateverhatredthepeoplemightbeartotheinferiorofficialsoftheState,thereexisted,uponthewhole,littleornodissatisfactionwiththeCentralGovernment.TheEmperorwasadored,andoldFrancisI.seemedtobeborneoutbyfactswhen,doubtingofthedurabilityofthissystem,hecomplacentlyadded: “AndyetitwillholdwhileIlive,andMetternich.”

ButtherewasaslowundergroundmovementgoingonwhichbaffledallMetternich'sefforts.Thewealthandinfluenceofthemanufacturingandtradingmiddleclassincreased.Theintroductionofmachineryandsteam-powerinmanufacturesupsetinAustria,asithaddoneeverywhereelse,theoldrelationsandvitalconditionsofwholeclassesofsociety:itchangedserfsintofreemen,smallfarmersintomanufacturingoperatives;itunderminedtheoldfeudaltradescorporations,anddestroyedthemeansofexistenceofmanyofthem.Thenewcommercialandmanufacturingpopulationcameeverywhereintocollisionwiththeoldfeudalinstitutions.Themiddleclasses,moreandmoreinducedbytheirbusinesstotravelabroad,introducedsomemythicalknowledgeofthecivilizedcountriessituatedbeyondtheImperiallineofcustoms;theintroductionofrailwaysfinallyacceleratedboththeindustrialandintellectualmovement.Therewas,too,adangerouspartintheAustrianStateestablishment,viz.,theHungarianfeudalConstitution,withitsparliamentaryproceedings,anditsstrugglesoftheimpoverishedandoppositionalmassofthenobilityagainsttheGovernmentanditsallies,themagnates.Presburg,theseatoftheDiet,wasattheverygatesofVienna.Alltheelementscontributedtocreateamongthemiddleclassesofthetownsaspirit,notexactlyofopposition,foroppositionwasasyetimpossible,butofdiscontent;ageneralwishforreforms,moreofanadministrativethanofaconstitutionalnature.AndinthesamemannerasinPrussia,aportionofthebureaucracyjoinedthebourgeoisie.AmongthishereditarycasteofofficialsthetraditionsofJosephII.werenotforgotten:themoreeducatedfunctionariesoftheGovernment,whothemselvessometimesmeddledwithimaginarypossiblereforms,byfarpreferredtheprogressiveandintellectualdespotismofthatEmperortothe “paternal” despotismofMetternich.Aportionofthepoorernobilityequallysidedwiththemiddleclass,andastothelowerclassesofthepopulation,whoalwayshadfoundplentyofgroundstocomplainoftheirsuperiors,ifnotoftheGovernment,theyinmostcasescouldnotbutadheretothereformatorywishesofthebourgeoisie.

Itwasaboutthistime,say1843or1844,thataparticularbranchofliterature,agreeabletothischange,wasestablishedinGermany.AfewAustrianwriters,novelists,literarycritics,badpoets,thewholeofthemofveryindifferentability,butgiftedwiththatpeculiarindustrialismpropertotheJewishrace,establishedthemselvesinLeipsigandotherGermantownsoutofAustria,andthere,outofthereachofMetternich,publishedanumberofbooksandpamphletsonAustrianaffairs.Theyandtheirpublishersmade “aroaringtrade” ofit.AllGermanywaseagertobecomeinitiatedintothesecretsofthepolicyofEuropeanChina;andtheAustriansthemselves,whoobtainedthesepublicationsbythewholesalesmugglingcarriedonupontheBohemianfrontier,werestillmorecurious.Ofcourse,thesecretsletoutinthesepublicationswereofnogreatimportance,andthereformplansschemedoutbytheirwell-wishingauthorsborethestampofaninnocuousnessalmostamountingtopoliticalvirginity.AConstitutionandafreepressforAustriawerethingsconsideredunattainable;administrativereforms,extensionoftherightsoftheProvincialDiets,admissionofforeignbooksandnewspapers,andalessseverecensorship–theloyalandhumbledesiresofthesegoodAustriansdidhardlygoanyfarther.

AtalleventsthegrowingimpossibilityofpreventingtheliteraryintercourseofAustriawiththerestofGermany,andthroughGermanywiththerestoftheworld,contributedmuchtowardtheformationofananti-governmentalpublicopinion,andbroughtatleastsomelittlepoliticalinformationwithinthereachofpartoftheAustrianpopulation.Thus,bytheendof1847,Austriawasseized,althoughinaninferiordegree,bythatpoliticalandpolitico-religiousagitationwhichthenprevailedinallGermany;andifitsprogressinAustriawasmoresilent,itdid,nevertheless,findrevolutionaryelementsenoughtoworkupon.Therewasthepeasant,serf,orfeudaltenant,grounddownintothedustbylordlyorGovernmentexactions;thenthefactoryoperative,forcedbythestickofthepolicemantoworkuponanytermsthemanufacturerchosetogrant;thenthejourneyman,debarredbythecorporativelawsfromanychanceofgaininganindependenceinhistrade;thenthemerchant,stumblingateverystepinbusinessoverabsurdregulations;thenthemanufacturer,inuninterruptedconflictwithtrade-guilds,jealousoftheirprivileges,orwithgreedyandmeddlingofficials;thentheschool-master,thesavant,thebettereducatedfunctionary,vainlystrugglingagainstanignorantandpresumptuousclergy,orastupidanddictatingsuperior.Inshort,therewasnotasingleclasssatisfied,forthesmallconcessionsGovernmentwasobligednowandthentomakewerenotmadeatitsownexpense,forthetreasurycouldnotaffordthat,butattheexpenseofthehigharistocracyandclergy;andastothegreatbankers,andfundholders,thelateeventsinItaly,theincreasingoppositionoftheHungarianDiet,andtheunwontedspiritofdiscontentandcryforreform,manifestingthemselvesallovertheEmpire,werenotofanaturetostrengthentheirfaithinthesolidityandsolvencyoftheAustrianEmpire.

ThusAustria,too,wasmarchingslowlybutsurelytowardamightychange,when,ofasudden,aneventbrokeoutinFrance,whichatoncebroughtdowntheimpendingstorm,andgavethelietooldFrancis'sassertion,thatthebuildingwouldholdoutbothduringhisandMetternich'slifetime.

LONDON,September,1851.

1VII. The Frankfort Na

V.TheViennaInsurrection

November12,1851.

ONthe24thofFebruary,1848,LouisPhilippewasdrivenoutofParis,andtheFrenchRepublicwasproclaimed.Onthe13thofMarchfollowing,thepeopleofViennabrokethepowerofPrinceMetternich,andmadehimfleeshamefullyoutofthecountry.Onthe18thofMarchthepeopleofBerlinroseinarms,and,afteranobstinatestruggleofeighteenhours,hadthesatisfactionofseeingtheKingsurrenderhimselfintotheirhands.Simultaneousoutbreaksofamoreorlessviolentnature,butallwiththesamesuccess,occurredinthecapitalsofthesmallerStatesofGermany.TheGermanpeople,iftheyhadnotaccomplishedtheirfirstrevolution,wereatleastfairlylaunchedintotherevolutionarycareer.

Astotheincidentsofthesevariousinsurrections,wecannotenterhereintothedetailsofthem:whatwehavetoexplainistheircharacter,andthepositionwhichthedifferentclassesofthepopulationtookupwithregardtothem.

TheRevolutionofViennamaybesaidtohavebeenmadebyanalmostunanimouspopulation.Thebourgeoisie(withtheexceptionofthebankersandstock-jobbers),thepettytradingclass,theworkingpeople,oneandallaroseatonceagainstaGovernmentdetestedbyall,aGovernmentsouniversallyhated,thatthesmallminorityofnoblesandmoneylordswhichhadsupporteditmadeitselfinvisibleontheveryfirstattack.ThemiddleclasseshadbeenkeptinsuchadegreeofpoliticalignorancebyMetternichthattothemthenewsfromParisaboutthereignofAnarchy,Socialism,andterror,andaboutimpendingstrugglesbetweentheclassofcapitalistsandtheclassoflaborers,provedquiteunintelligible.They,intheirpoliticalinnocence,eithercouldattachnomeaningtothesenews,ortheybelievedthemtobefiendishinventionsofMetternich,tofrightenthemintoobedience.They,besides,hadneverseenworkingmenactingasaclass,orstandupfortheirowndistinctclassinterests.Theyhad,fromtheirpastexperience,noideaofthepossibilityofanydifferencesspringingupbetweenclassesthatnowweresoheartilyunitedinupsettingaGovernmenthatedbyall.Theysawtheworkingpeopleagreewiththemselvesuponallpoints:aConstitution,TrialbyJury,LibertyofthePress,etc.Thustheywere,inMarch,1848,atleast,heartandsoulwiththemovement,andthemovement,ontheotherhand,atonceconstitutedthemthe(atleastintheory)predominantclassoftheState.

Butitisthefateofallrevolutionsthatthisunionofdifferentclasses,whichinsomedegreeisalwaysthenecessaryconditionofanyrevolution,cannotsubsistlong.Nosooneristhevictorygainedagainstthecommonenemythanthevictorsbecomedividedamongthemselvesintodifferentcamps,andturntheirweaponsagainsteachother.Itisthisrapidandpassionatedevelopmentofclassantagonismwhich,inoldandcomplicatedsocialorganisms,makesarevolutionsuchapowerfulagentofsocialandpoliticalprogress;itisthisincessantlyquickupshootingofnewpartiessucceedingeachotherinpower,which,duringthoseviolentcommotions,makesanationpassinfiveyearsovermoregroundthanitwouldhavedoneinacenturyunderordinarycircumstances.

TheRevolutioninViennamadethemiddleclassthetheoreticallypredominantclass;thatistosay,theconcessionswrungfromtheGovernmentweresuchas,oncecarriedoutpracticallyandadheredtoforatime,wouldinevitablyhavesecuredthesupremacyofthemiddleclass.Butpracticallythesupremacyofthatclasswasfarfrombeingestablished.Itistruethatbytheestablishmentofanationalguard,whichgavearmstothebourgeoisieandpettytradesmen,thatclassobtainedbothforceandimportance;itistruethatbytheinstallationofa “CommitteeofSafety,” asortofrevolutionary,irresponsibleGovernmentinwhichthebourgeoisiepredominated,itwasplacedattheheadofpower.But,atthesametime,theworkingsclasseswerepartiallyarmedtoo;theyandthestudentshadbornethebruntofthefight,asfarasfighttherehadbeen;andthestudents,about4,000strong,well-armed,andfarbetterdisciplinedthanthenationalguard,formedthenucleus,therealstrengthoftherevolutionaryforce,andwerenowayswillingtoactasamereinstrumentinthehandsoftheCommitteeofSafety.Thoughtheyrecognizedit,andwereevenitsmostenthusiasticsupporters,theyyetformedasortofindependentandratherturbulentbody,deliberatingforthemselvesinthe “Aula,” keepinganintermediatepositionbetweenthebourgeoisieandtheworking-classes,preventingbyconstantagitationthingsfromsettlingdowntotheoldeverydaytranquillity,andveryoftenforcingtheirresolutionsupontheCommitteeofSafety.Theworkingmen,ontheotherhand,almostentirelythrownoutofemployment,hadtobeemployedinpublicworksattheexpenseoftheState,andthemoneyforthispurposehad,ofcourse,tobetakenoutofthepurseofthetaxpayersoroutofthechestofthecityofVienna.AllthiscouldnotbutbecomeveryunpleasanttothetradesmenofVienna.Themanufacturesofthecity,calculatedfortheconsumptionoftherichandaristocraticcourtsofalargecountry,wereasamatterofcourseentirelystoppedbytheRevolution,bytheflightofthearistocracyandCourt;tradewasatastandstill,andthecontinuousagitationandexcitementkeptupbythestudentsandworkingpeoplewascertainlynotthemeansto “restoreconfidence,” asthephrasewent.Thusacertaincoolnessverysoonsprungupbetweenthemiddleclassesontheonesideandtheturbulentstudentsandworkingpeopleontheother;andifforalongtimethiscoolnesswasnotripenedintoopenhostility,itwasbecausetheMinistry,andparticularlytheCourt,intheirimpatiencetorestoretheoldorderofthings,constantlyjustifiedthesuspicionsandtheturbulentactivityofthemorerevolutionaryparties,andconstantlymadearise,evenbeforetheeyesofthemiddleclasses,thespectreofoldMetternichiandespotism.Thusonthe15thofMay,andagainonthe16th,therewerefreshrisingsofallclassesinVienna,onaccountoftheGovernmenthavingtriedtoattack,ortounderminesomeofthenewly-conqueredliberties,andoneachoccasionthealliancebetweenthenationalguardorarmedmiddleclass,thestudents,andtheworkingmen,wasagaincementedforatime.

Astotheotherclassesofthepopulation,thearistocracyandthemoneylordshaddisappeared,andthepeasantrywerebusilyengagedeverywhereinremoving,downtotheverylastvestigesoffeudalism.ThankstothewarinItaly,andtheoccupationwhichViennaandHungarygavetotheCourt,theywereleftatfullliberty,andsucceededintheirworkofliberationinAustria,betterthaninanyotherpartofGermany.TheAustrianDiethadveryshortlyafteronlytoconfirmthestepsalreadypracticallytakenbythepeasantry,andwhateverelsetheGovernmentofPrinceSchwartzenbergmaybeenabledtorestore,itwillneverhavethepowerofre-establishingthefeudalservitudeofthepeasantry.AndifAustriaatthepresentmomentisagaincomparativelytranquil,andevenstrong,itisprincipallybecausethegreatmajorityofthepeople,thepeasants,havebeenrealgainersbytheRevolution,andbecausewhateverelsehasbeenattackedbytherestoredGovernment,thosepalpable,substantialadvantages,conqueredbythepeasantry,areasyetuntouched.

LONDON,October,1851.

1VII. The Frankfort Na

VI.TheBerlinInsurrection.

November28,1851.

THEsecondcenterofrevolutionaryactionwasBerlin,andfromwhathasbeenstatedintheforegoingpapers,itmaybeguessedthattherethisactionwasfarfromhavingthatunanimoussupportofalmostallclassesbywhichitwasaccompaniedinVienna.InPrussia,thebourgeoisiehadbeenalreadyinvolvedinactualstruggleswiththeGovernment;arupturehadbeentheresultofthe “UnitedDiet”;abourgeoisrevolutionwasimpending,andthatrevolutionmighthavebeen,initsfirstoutbreak,quiteasunanimousasthatofVienna,haditnotbeenfortheParisRevolutionofFebruary.Thateventprecipitatedeverything,whileatthesametimeitwascarriedoutunderabannertotallydifferentfromthatunderwhichthePrussianbourgeoisiewaspreparingtodefyitsGovernment.TheRevolutionofFebruaryupset,inFrance,theverysamesortofGovernmentwhichthePrussianbourgeoisieweregoingtosetupintheirowncountry.TheRevolutionofFebruaryannounceditselfasarevolutionoftheworkingclassesagainstthemiddleclasses;itproclaimedthedownfallofmiddle-classgovernmentandtheemancipationoftheworkingman.NowthePrussianbourgeoisiehad,oflate,hadquiteenoughofworking-classagitationintheirowncountry.AfterthefirstterroroftheSilesianriotshadpassedaway,theyhadeventriedtogivethisagitationaturnintheirownfavor;buttheyalwayshadretainedasalutaryhorrorofrevolutionarySocialismandCommunism;and,therefore,whentheysawmenattheheadoftheGovernmentinPariswhomtheyconsideredasthemostdangerousenemiesofproperty,order,religion,family,andoftheotherPenatesofthemodernbourgeois,theyatonceexperiencedaconsiderablecoolingdownoftheirownrevolutionaryardor.Theyknewthatthemomentmustbeseized,andthat,withouttheaidoftheworkingmasses,theywouldbedefeated;andyettheircouragefailedthem.ThustheysidedwiththeGovernmentinthefirstpartialandprovincialoutbreaks,triedtokeepthepeoplequietinBerlin,who,duringfivedays,metincrowdsbeforetheroyalpalacetodiscussthenewsandaskforchangesintheGovernment;andwhenatlast,afterthenewsofthedownfallofMetternich,theKingmadesomeslightconcessions,thebourgeoisieconsideredtheRevolutionascompleted,andwenttothankHisMajestyforhavingfulfilledallthewishesofhispeople.Butthenfollowedtheattackofthemilitaryonthecrowd,thebarricades,thestruggle,andthedefeatofroyalty.Theneverythingwaschanged:theveryworkingclasses,whichithadbeenthetendencyofthebourgeoisietokeepinthebackground,hadbeenpushedforward,hadfoughtandconquered,andallatoncewereconsciousoftheirstrength.Restrictionsofsuffrage,ofthelibertyofthepress,oftherighttositonjuries,oftherightofmeeting-restrictionsthatwouldhavebeenveryagreeabletothebourgeoisiebecausetheywouldhavetoucheduponsuchclassesonlyaswerebeneaththem–nowwerenolongerpossible.ThedangerofarepetitionoftheParisianscenesof “anarchy” wasimminent.Beforethisdangerallformerdifferencesdisappeared.Againstthevictoriousworkingman,althoughhehadnotyetutteredanyspecificdemandsforhimself,thefriendsandthefoesofmanyyearsunited,andthealliancebetweenthebourgeoisieandthesupportersoftheover-turnedsystemwasconcludedupontheverybarricadesofBerlin.Thenecessaryconcessions,butnomorethanwasunavoidable,weretobemade,aministryoftheoppositionleadersoftheUnitedDietwastobeformed,andinreturnforitsservicesinsavingtheCrown,itwastohavethesupportofallthepropsoftheoldGovernment,thefeudalaristocracy,thebureaucracy,thearmy.TheseweretheconditionsuponwhichMessrs.CamphausenandHansemannundertooktheformationofacabinet.

Suchwasthedreadevincedbythenewministersofthearousedmasses,thatintheireyeseverymeanswasgoodifitonlytendedtostrengthentheshakenfoundationsofauthority.They,poordeludedwretches,thoughteverydangerofarestorationoftheoldsystemhadpassedaway;andthustheymadeuseofthewholeoftheoldStatemachineryforthepurposeofrestoring “order.” Notasinglebureaucratormilitaryofficerwasdismissed;nottheslightestchangewasmadeintheoldbureaucraticsystemofadministration.Thesepreciousconstitutionalandresponsibleministersevenrestoredtotheirpoststhosefunctionarieswhomthepeople,inthefirstheatofrevolutionaryardor,haddrivenawayonaccountoftheirformeractsofbureaucraticoverbearing.TherewasnothingalteredinPrussiahutthepersonsoftheministers;eventheministerialstaffsinthedifferentdepartmentswerenottouchedupon,andalltheconstitutionalplace-hunters,whohadformedthechorusofthenewly-elevatedrulers,andwhohadexpectedtheirshareofpowerandoffice,weretoldtowaituntilrestoredstabilityallowedchangestobeoperatedinthebureaucraticpersonnelwhichnowwerenotwithoutdanger.

TheKing,chap-falleninthehighestdegreeaftertheinsurrectionofthe18thofMarch,verysoonfoundoutthathewasquiteasnecessarytothese “liberal” ministersastheyweretohim.Thethronehadbeensparedbytheinsurrection;thethronewasthelastexistingobstacleto “anarchy”;theliberalmiddleclassanditsleaders,nowintheministry,hadthereforeeveryinteresttokeeponexcellenttermswiththecrown.TheKing,andthereactionarycamerillathatsurroundedhim,werenotslowindiscoveringthis,andprofitedbythecircumstanceinordertofetterthemarchoftheministryeveninthosepettyreformsthatwerefromtimetotimeintended.

Thefirstcareoftheministrywastogiveasortoflegalappearancetotherecentviolentchanges.TheUnitedDietwasconvokedinspiteofallpopularopposition,inordertovoteasthelegalandconstitutionalorganofthepeopleanewelectorallawfortheelectionofanAssembly,whichwastoagreewiththecrownuponanewconstitution.Theelectionsweretobeindirect,themassofvoterselectinganumberofelectors,whothenweretochoosetherepresentative.Inspiteofalloppositionthissystemofdoubleelectionspassed.TheUnitedDietwasthenaskedforaloanoftwenty-fivemillionsofdollars,opposedbythepopularparty,butequallyagreedto.

Theseactsoftheministrygaveamostrapiddevelopmenttothepopular,orasitnowcalleditself,theDemocraticparty.Thisparty,headedbythepettytradingandshopkeepingclass,andunitingunderitsbanner,inthebeginningoftherevolution,thelargemajorityoftheworkingpeople,demandeddirectanduniversalsuffrage,thesameasestablishedinFrance,asinglelegislativeassembly,andfullandopenrecognitionoftherevolutionofthe18thofMarch,asthebaseofthenewgovernmentalsystem.Themoremoderatefactionwouldbesatisfiedwithathus “democratized” monarchy,themoreadvanceddemandedtheultimateestablishmentoftherepublic.BothfactionsagreedinrecognizingtheGermanNationalAssemblyatFrankfortasthesupremeauthorityofthecountry,whiletheConstitutionalistsandReactionistsaffectedagreathorrorofthesovereigntyofthisbody,whichtheyprofessedtoconsiderasutterlyrevolutionary.

Theindependentmovementoftheworkingclasseshad,bytherevolution,beenbrokenupforatime.TheimmediatewantsandcircumstancesofthemovementweresuchasnottoallowanyofthespecificdemandsoftheProletarianpartytobeputintheforeground.Infact,aslongasthegroundwasnotclearedfortheindependentactionoftheworkingmen,aslongasdirectanduniversalsuffragewasnotyetestablished,aslongasthethirty-sixlargerandsmallerstatescontinuedtocutupGermanyintonumberlessmorsels,whatelsecouldtheProletarianpartydobutwatchthe–forthemall-important–movementofParis,andstruggleincommonwiththepettyshopkeepersfortheattainmentofthoserights,whichwouldallowthemtofightafterwardstheirownbattle?

Therewereonlythreepoints,then,bywhichtheProletarianpartyinitspoliticalactionessentiallydistinguisheditselffromthepettytradingclass,orproperlyso-calledDemocraticparty;firstly,injudgingdifferentlytheFrenchmovement,withregardtowhichthedemocratsattacked,andtheProletarianrevolutionistsdefended,theextremepartyinParis;secondly,inproclaimingthenecessityofestablishingaGermanRepublic,oneandindivisible,whiletheveryextremestultrasamongthedemocratsonlydaredtosighforaFederativeRepublic;andthirdly,inshowinguponeveryoccasion,thatrevolutionaryboldnessandreadinessforaction,inwhichanypartyheadedby,andcomposedprincipallyofpettytradesmen,willalwaysbedeficient.

TheProletarian,orreallyRevolutionaryparty,succeededonlyverygraduallyinwithdrawingthemassoftheworkingpeoplefromtheinfluenceoftheDemocrats,whosetailtheyformedinthebeginningoftheRevolution.Butinduetimetheindecision,weakness,andcowardiceoftheDemocraticleadersdidtherest,anditmaynowbesaidtobeoneoftheprincipalresultsofthelastyears'convulsions,thatwherevertheworking-classisconcentratedinanythinglikeconsiderablemasses,theyareentirelyfreedfromthatDemocraticinfluencewhichledthemintoanendlessseriesofblundersandmisfortunesduring1848and1849.Butwehadbetternotanticipate;theeventsofthesetwoyearswillgiveusplentyofopportunitiestoshowtheDemocraticgentlemenatwork.

ThepeasantryinPrussia,thesameasinAustria,butwithlessenergy,feudalismpressing,uponthewhole,notquitesohardlyuponthemhere,hadprofitedbytherevolutiontofreethemselvesatoncefromallfeudalshackles.Buthere,fromthereasonsstatedbefore,themiddleclassesatonceturnedagainstthem,theiroldest,theirmostindispensableallies;thedemocrats,equallyfrightenedwiththebourgeoisie,bywhatwascalledattacksuponprivateproperty,failedequallytosupportthem;andthus,afterthreemonths'emancipation,afterbloodystrugglesandmilitaryexecutions,particularlyinSilesia,feudalismwasrestoredbythehandsofthe,untilyesterday,anti-feudalbourgeoisie.Thereisnotamoredamningfacttobebroughtagainstthemthanthis.Similartreasonagainstitsbestallies,againstitself,neverwascommittedbyanypartyinhistory,andwhateverhumiliationandchastisementmaybeinstoreforthismiddleclassparty,ithasdeservedbythisoneacteverymorselofit.

OCTOBER,1851.

1VII. The Frankfort National Assembly

VII.TheFrankfortNationalAssembly.

February27,1852.

ITwillperhapsbeintherecollectionofourreadersthatinthesixprecedingpaperswefolloweduptherevolutionarymovementofGermanytothetwogreatpopularvictoriesofMarch13thinVienna,andMarch18thinBerlin.Wesaw,bothinAustriaandPrussia,theestablishmentofconstitutionalgovernmentsandtheproclamation,asleadingrulesforallfuturepolicy,ofLiberal,ormiddleclassprinciples;andtheonlydifferenceobservablebetweenthetwogreatcentersofactionwasthis,thatinPrussiatheliberalbourgeoisie,inthepersonsoftwowealthymerchants,Messrs.CamphausenandHansemann,directlyseizeduponthereinsofpower;whileinAustria,wherethebourgeoisiewas,politically,farlesseducated,theLiberalbureaucracywalkedintooffice,andprofessedtoholdpowerintrustforthem.Wehavefurtherseen,howthepartiesandclassesofsociety,thatwereheretoforeallunitedinoppositiontotheoldgovernment,gotdividedamongthemselvesafterthevictory,orevenduringthestruggle;andhowthatsameLiberalbourgeoisiethataloneprofitedfromthevictoryturnedroundimmediatelyuponitsalliesofyesterday,assumedahostileattitudeagainsteveryclassorpartyofamoreadvancedcharacter,andconcludedanalliancewiththeconqueredfeudalandbureaucraticinterests.Itwasinfact,evident,evenfromthebeginningoftherevolutionarydrama,thattheLiberalbourgeoisiecouldnotholditsgroundagainstthevanquished,butnotdestroyed,feudalandbureaucraticpartiesexceptbyrelyingupontheassistanceofthepopularandmoreadvancedparties;andthatitequallyrequired,againstthetorrentofthesemoreadvancedmasses,theassistanceofthefeudalnobilityandofthebureaucracy.Thus,itwasclearenoughthatthebourgeoisieinAustriaandPrussiadidnotpossesssufficientstrengthtomaintaintheirpower,andtoadapttheinstitutionsofthecountrytotheirownwantsandideas.TheLiberalbourgeoisministrywasonlyahalting-placefromwhich,accordingtotheturncircumstancesmighttake,thecountrywouldeitherhavetogoontothemoreadvancedstageofUnitarianrepublicanism,ortorelapseintotheoldclerico-feudalandbureaucraticregime.Atallevents,thereal,decisivestrugglewasyettocome;theeventsofMarchhadonlyengagedthecombat.

AustriaandPrussiabeingthetworulingstatesofGermany,everydecisiverevolutionaryvictoryinViennaorBerlinwouldhavebeendecisiveforallGermany.Andasfarastheywent,theeventsofMarch,1848inthesetwocitiesdecidedtheturnofGermanaffairs.Itwould,then,besuperfluoustorecurtothemovementsthatoccurredintheminorStates;andwemight,indeed,confineourselvestotheconsiderationofAustrianandPrussianaffairsexclusively,iftheexistenceoftheseminorstateshadnotgivenrisetoabodywhichwas,byitsveryexistence,amoststrikingproofoftheabnormalsituationofGermanyandoftheincompletenessofthelaterevolution:abodysoabnormal,soludicrousbyitsveryposition,andyetsofullofitsownimportance,thathistorywill,mostlikely,neveraffordapendanttoit.Thisbodywastheso-calledGermanNationalAssemblyatFrankfort-on-Main.

AfterthepopularvictoriesofViennaandBerlin,itwasamatterofcoursethatthereshouldbeaRepresentativeAssemblyforallGermany.Thisbodywasconsequentlyelected,andmetatFrankfort,bythesideoftheoldFederativeDiet.TheGermanNationalAssemblywasexpected,bythepeople,tosettleeverymatterindispute,andtoactasthehighestlegislativeauthorityforthewholeoftheGermanConfederation.But,atthesametime,theDietwhichhadconvokedithadinnowayfixeditsattributions.Nooneknewwhetheritsdecreesweretohaveforceoflaw,orwhethertheyweretobesubjecttothesanctionoftheDiet,oroftheindividualGovernments.Inthisperplexity,iftheAssemblyhadbeenpossessedoftheleastenergy,itwouldhaveimmediatelydissolvedandsenthometheDiet– thanwhichnocorporatebodywasmoreunpopularinGermany–andreplaceditbyaFederalGovernment,chosenfromamongitsownmembers.ItwouldhavedeclareditselftheonlylegalexpressionofthesovereignwilloftheGermanpeople,andthushaveattachedlegalvaliditytoeveryoneofitsdecrees.Itwould,aboveall,havesecuredtoitselfanorganizedandarmedforceinthecountrysufficienttoputdownanyoppositiononthepartsoftheGovernments.Andallthiswaseasy,veryeasy,atthatearlyperiodoftheRevolution.ButthatwouldhavebeenexpectingagreatdealtoomuchfromanAssemblycomposedinitsmajorityofLiberalattorneysanddoctrinaireprofessorsanAssemblywhich,whileitpretendedtoembodytheveryessenceofGermanintellectandscience,wasinrealitynothingbutastagewhereoldandworn-outpoliticalcharactersexhibitedtheirinvoluntaryludicrousnessandtheirimpotenceofthought,aswellasaction,beforetheeyesofallGermany.ThisAssemblyofoldwomenwas,fromthefirstdayofitsexistence,morefrightenedoftheleastpopularmovementthanofallthereactionaryplotsofalltheGermanGovernmentsputtogether.ItdeliberatedundertheeyesoftheDiet,nay,italmostcravedtheDiet'ssanctiontoitsdecrees,foritsfirstresolutionshadtobepromulgatedbythatodiousbody.Insteadofassertingitsownsovereignty,itstudiouslyavoidedthediscussionofanysuchdangerousquestion.Insteadofsurroundingitselfbyapopularforce,itpassedtotheorderofthedayoveralltheviolentencroachmentsoftheGovernments;Mayence[i.e.Mainz],underitsveryeyes,wasplacedinastateofsiege,andthepeopletheredisarmed,andtheNationalAssemblydidnotstir.LateronitelectedArchdukeJohnofAustriaRegentofGermany,anddeclaredthatallitsresolutionsweretohavetheforceoflaw;butthenArchdukeJohnwasonlyinstitutedinhisnewdignityaftertheconsentofalltheGovernmentshadbeenobtained,andhewasinstitutednotbytheAssembly,butbytheDiet;andastothelegalforceofthedecreesoftheAssembly,thatpointwasneverrecognizedbythelargerGovernments,norenforcedbytheAssemblyitself;itthereforeremainedinsuspense.ThuswehadthestrangespectacleofanAssemblypretendingtobetheonlylegalrepresentativeofagreatandsovereignnation,andyetneverpossessingeitherthewillortheforcetomakeitsclaimsrecognized.Thedebatesofthisbody,withoutanypracticalresult,werenotevenofanytheoreticalvalue,reproducing,astheydid,nothingbutthemosthackneyedcommonplacethemesofsuperannuatedphilosophicalandjuridicalschools;everysentencethatwassaid,orratherstammeredforth,inthatAssemblyhavingbeenprintedathousandtimesover,andathousandtimesbetter,longbefore.

ThusthepretendednewcentralauthorityofGermanylefteverythingasithadfoundit.Sofarfromrealizingthelong-demandedunityofGermany,itdidnotdispossessthemostinsignificantoftheprinceswhoruledher;itdidnotdrawcloserthebondsofunionbetweenherseparatedprovinces;itnevermovedasinglesteptobreakdownthecustomhousebarriersthatseparatedHanoverfromPrussia,andPrussiafromAustria;itdidnotevenmaketheslightestattempttoremovetheobnoxiousduesthateverywhereobstructrivernavigationinPrussia.ButthelessthisAssemblydidthemoreitblustered.ItcreatedaGermanfleet–uponpaper;itannexedPolandandSchleswig;itallowedGerman-AustriatocarryonwaragainstItaly,andyetprohibitedtheItaliansfromfollowinguptheAustriansintotheirsaferetreatinGermany;itgavethreecheersandonecheermorefortheFrenchrepublic,anditreceivedHungarianembassies,whichcertainlywenthomewithfarmoreconfusedideasaboutGermanythantheyhadcomewith.

ThisAssemblyhadbeen,inthebeginningoftheRevolution,thebugbearofallGermanGovernments.Theyhadcounteduponaverydictatorialandrevolutionaryactiononitspart–-onaccountoftheverywantofdefinitenessinwhichithadbeenfoundnecessarytoleaveitscompetency.TheseGovernments,therefore,gotupamostcomprehensivesystemofintriguesinordertoweakentheinfluenceofthisdreadedbody;buttheyprovedtohavemoreluckthanwits,forthisAssemblydidtheworkoftheGovernmentsbetterthantheythemselvescouldhavedone.ThechieffeatureamongtheseintrigueswastheconvocationoflocalLegislativeAssemblies,andinconsequence,notonlythelesserStatesconvokedtheirlegislatures,butPrussiaandAustriaalsocalledconstituentassemblies.Inthese,asintheFrankfortHouseofRepresentatives,theLiberalmiddleclass,oritsallies,liberallawyers,andbureaucratshadthemajority,andtheturnaffairstookineachofthemwasnearlythesame.Theonlydifferenceisthis,thattheGermanNationalAssemblywastheparliamentofanimaginarycountry,asithaddeclinedthetaskofformingwhatneverthelesswasitsownfirstconditionofexistence,viz.aUnitedGermany;thatitdiscussedtheimaginaryandnever-to-be-carried-outmeasuresofanimaginarygovernmentofitsowncreation,andthatitpassedimaginaryresolutionsforwhichnobodycared;whileinAustriaandPrussiatheconstituentbodieswereatleastrealparliaments,upsettingandcreatingrealministries,andforcing,foratimeatleast,theirresolutionsupontheprinceswithwhomtheyhadtocontend.They,too,werecowardly,andlackedenlargedviewsofrevolutionaryresolutions;they,too,betrayedthepeople,andrestoredpowertothehandsoffeudal,bureaucratic,andmilitarydespotism.Butthentheywereatleastobligedtodiscusspracticalquestionsofimmediateinterest,andtoliveuponearthwithotherpeople,whiletheFrankforthumbugswereneverhappierthanwhentheycouldroamin “theairyrealmsofdream,” imLuftreichdesTraums.[fromHeinrichHeine'sAristophanes]ThustheproceedingsoftheBerlinandViennaConstituentsformanimportantpartofGermanrevolutionaryhistory,whilethelucubrationsoftheFrankfortcollectivetomfoolerymerelyinterestthecollectorofliteraryandantiquariancuriosities.