Challenging Convergence
Conference paper
Warwick Critical Governance Studies Conference
13-14 December 2010
Jeroen Veldman
Doctoral researcher
School of Management
University of Leicester
Assistant lecturer
School of Governance
University of Utrecht
Abstract
Most contemporary theories of corporate governance work towards ‘convergence’ This thrust towards convergence presents the theory of incorporation appears as an unproblematic given that can be ‘converged’ upon.
In this article, I will argue that incorporation is based on three different historical discursive formations, but that the third discursive formation has become dominant. On this basis, the contemporary theory of incorporation appears as inherently incoherent and inconsistent. This state of the theory of incorporation has direct consequences for a theory of corporate governance that works towards convergence, because ‘convergence’ then appears as a naturalization of a particular position within an inconsistent and incoherent theory of incorporation and the turning of this position into an orthodoxy. I then evaluate the consequences of this orthodoxy.
Based on this evaluation I argue that the development of a consistent theory of (corporate) governance can only begin when assumptions are formulated that recognize historical models of incorporation and the way they support contemporary assumptions about reified singular representations in the contemporary legal and economic systems of representation.
I also argue that the orthodoxy that convergence creates has consequences for a wider theory of governance, because the contemporary theory of incorporation is based on assumptions that directly affect the understanding of economic representation in relation to the state and public institutions.
1. Incorporation
“The modern corporation is one of the most successful inventions in history, as evidenced by its widespread adoption and survival as a primary vehicle of capitalism over the past century.” (Butler 1988:99)
Incorporation is the most important type of modern business representation, but is based on inconsistent and incoherent assumptions that lead to a particular way of understanding the representation and the attribution of agency, ownership and amendment rights.
The contemporary theory of incorporation produces a reified singular legal representation. This provides a core concept for economic organization. Incorporation became the dominant form of doing business in the USA in the 20th century. The number of corporations rose from 39 percent in 1949 to 70 percent in 2002, while the number of partnerships dropped from 61 percent in 1949 to 18 percent in 2002 (Guinnane et.al. 2007:721). This importance of incorporation as a business representation reflects a worldwide trend. About half of the world’s trade takes place between multinational firms and their subsidiaries, receiving 25 percent of world GDP in 1983, 27.5 percent in 1999 (Kobrin in Chandler and Mazlish 2006:220). According to Chandler and Mazlish (2006) twenty-nine corporations figure in the list of the world’s largest economies (Goodwin in Chandler and Mazlish 2006:135), while they hold 90 percent of all technology and product patents worldwide (Dine 2006:152).[1] It can then be argued that incorporation produces a business representation that dominates the current international business landscape and continues to become more important (Butler 1988).
In the light of this dominant position, it is interesting to note the persistence with which political, economic, legal and corporate governance scholars describe the contemporary theory of incorporation as incoherent, incomplete and unknown. Gamble et.al. (2000) write: “In the last hundred years the company has become a central institution of the modern capitalist economy, rivalling the market in its importance, but it does not have a single, universal form.” The field of corporate governance follows this lack of clarity on the concept of incorporation. Berle and Means produced a seminal book in 1932 that stated that incorporation created a division of ownership and control on the basis of pragmatic, rather than theoretical underpinnings. Bratton and McCahery, in 1999, still argue that comparative governance cannot provide a solid answer, but must provide a hybrid answer, based on multiple types of theory (Bratton and McCahery 1999:5).
It can be said, then, that incorporation has become an ubiquitous type of legal representation with an enormous economic importance in the 20th century while at the same time, it can be said that “There is perhaps nothing (…) that is (…) less understood than the business corporation” (Schrader 1993:1). This article will look at the effects of this inconclusive theory of incorporation for the contemporary theory of corporate governance.
2. History of Incorporation
The problems with a clear definition of incorporation can be related to the development of the concept. In a nutshell, the history produced a different concept in three historical discursive formations: a pre-1800, a post-1800 and a post-1970 formation (Veldman 2011a, 2011b). I will summarize the most important results of these formations.
The first discursive formation could be discerned in the 13th century in the form of the concessionized universitas. In this concept, incorporation was devised as a formal political bestowal of a concession on an aggregation of individuals. The concept of ‘ownership’ then designated a direct and irrevocable relationship of the sovereign or state over a concession or grant. Agency, ownership and rights could therefore not be attributed to the concession itself and incorporation remained constrained by political motives.
The second discursive formation was a result of 19th century developments resulting in a new concept of representation, the modern universitas. The modern universitas was completely different from the concessionized universitas because of its purely legal nature, its reification and singularization of the representation and its position within the aggregation of individuals.
This provided a paradoxical situation regarding the doctrinal understanding of this representation. The natural entity theory provided reification and singularization to the representation, necessary to theorize the status of holding companies, subsidiaries, empty shells as kinds of reified representations and necessary to retain the advantages of the concessionized universitas to a reified representation. At the same time, the natural entity theory was based on the idea of a singular reified representation with social and political aspects. Meanwhile, the artificial entity theory provided ownership within the aggregation and a legal representation that could be treated as ‘property’. This excluded the social and political aspects of the representation.
Both positions were necessary to retain the effects of the modern universitas in the second discursive formation, leading to a continuum between two mutually exclusive theories. Both the natural and the artificial entity theory were thus retained in the second discursive formation to develop models of governance, but until the 1970s the acknowledgement of the roots of incorporation in the natural entity theory meant that an emphasis remained on the social and political aspects of incorporation.
A third historical discursive formation could be discerned after the 1970s. This understanding is based on agency theory (Ripken 2009). In agency theory, the corporation is formed as the result of a free choice by contracting individuals (Ireland 1999:481). This reconstitutes the corporation from a public institution into a fully private institution (Ireland 1999:481, Ripken 2009:105), a flat firm formed out of voluntary contractual relations. The corporation is constructed as “individualistic, transient, network-like, with production accomplished by shifting sets of individuals tied through impermanent contracts” (Davis et.al. 1994:567). It is then a mass of contracts, rather than individuals, relations or a reified representation that constitutes the corporation: “the corporation tends to disappear, transformed from a substantial institution into just a relatively stable corner of the market in which autonomous property owners freely contract” (Bratton 1989:420). As a result, reification fulfils no definite role anymore: “(…) the corporation itself is stripped of substance and more or less conceptualised out of existence, reduced to a mere cipher through which the owners of different factors of production are brought contractually together” (Bratton 1989:474). Agency theory thus presents the corporation as a generic representation of business association (Bratton 1989: 454). Jensen and Meckling exemplify this position:
“(...) most organizations are simply legal fictions which serve as a nexus for a set of contracting relationships between individuals (...) Viewed in this way, it makes little or no sense to try to distinguish those things which are ‘inside’ the firm (or any other organization) from those that are ‘out-side’ of it. There is in a very real sense only a multitude of complex relationships (i.e., contracts) between the legal fiction (the firm) and the owners of labour, material and capital inputs and the consumers of output (…).” (Jensen and Meckling 1976:310-11, emphasis in original).
However, rather than returning the corporation to the status of an unincorporated association or a partnership, the third discursive formation invokes ‘pragmatism’ to retain the ‘convenient’ effects of the singular reified representation. This invokes a ‘legal fiction’ that differs starkly from the reification that was inherent to the second discursive formation, which had until then been accepted and used by legal scholars. Because representation did not have a concrete referent it came to function as an ideal-type singular reified representation in the economic and legal systems of representation.
These three discursive formations provide very different assumptions concerning the political or legal origin for reification, concerning the attachment of rights, agency, ownership and control, and concerning the use of particular referents. However, contemporary theories concerning incorporation do not work with these underlying differences. Nowhere is this clearer than in the contemporary thrust towards ‘convergence’ in theories of (corporate) goverance.
3. Convergence
The convergence approach focuses on common understandings of incorporation. Convergence can then mean a convergence on the “(…) common structure of the law of business corporation (…) across different national jurisdictions” (Hansmann and Kraakmann 2004:1), on the prevalence of ownership patterns in companies between countries (La Porta et.al. 1999:474) and the effect of the positioning of different players by the state (Gourevitch and Shinn 2005:10). Convergence, then, focuses on the variance of governance systems and presents these systems as the result of particular political choices (Gourevitch and Shinn 2005:1). Governance patterns then appear not as a particular historical development, but as the result of choices and preferences about regulatory systems and economic modelling and the picking of particular institutional forms (Gourevitch and Shinn 2005:12-13). These preferences may be path dependant, but they essentially remain choices.
On the basis of the assumption that some surroundings are more optimal than others, choices about the structuring of regulatory systems can be compared and suggestions for a more optimal arrangement can be made. This tacitly introduces two assumptions.
The first assumption is that there are more and less optimal surroundings for systems of governance that relate to incorporation. Incorporation, then, appears as the effect of particular legal and economic surroundings, while ‘convergence’ appears as a convergence towards regulatory systems that are deemed optimal. The presence or absence of specific effects of incorporation are, then, the effect of explicit choices that can be compared against a background of optimality of some choices. As I will explain below, the definition of ‘optimal’ is derived from a very constrained set of economic choices.
The second assumption is that incorporation as a type of representation is distinctly legal and as a legal representation is fundamentally similar to other types of legal representations. The corporation appears as just another ‘firm’ with some, rather arbitrary, special features. As Hansmann and Kraakmann (2004:1) argue: “(…) the remarkable fact - and the fact that we wish to stress- is that, in market economies, almost all large-scale business firms adopt a legal form that possesses all five of the basic characteristics of the business corporation. [i.e. legal personality, limited liability, transferable shares, delegated management under a board structure, and investor ownership - JV]”. The theory of incorporation, then, appears not as a result of historical developments or as a result of inconclusive theory, but rather as a ‘remarkable’ result of the optimal structuring of regulatory frameworks that naturally lead to emergence of the corporate form.
Convergence, then, means convergence on the very specific assumptions regarding incorporation that have developed in the third discursive formation. Leading authors in the contemporary field of corporate governance like Blair (1995), Blair and Stout (2005), Davies (2008), Easterbrook and Fischel (1991), Gourevitch and Shinn (2005), Guinnane et.al. (2007), Jensen (2003), Kraakman et. al. (2004), La Porta et.al. (1999), Monks and Minow (2009), Ripken (2009), Schleifer and Vishny (1997) and many others implicitly or explicitly work with a view of corporate governance that is based on such a ‘convergence’ approach. I will argue in this article that convergence as a project introduces very questionable assumptions for the development of a consistent theory of corporate governance.
4. Generic representation
The convergence approach, then, assumes a very particular idea of incorporation and its effects on the attribution of agency, ownership and rights. However, contemporary incorporation to a large degree also hinges on a doctrinal use of incorporation that makes use of assumptions taken from the wider history of incorporation. The simultaneous use of all three historical formations and the dominance of the third discursive formation leads to a large number of effects.
4.1 One-way equality
Although the third discursive formation reconstitutes the corporation into a contractual aggregation of individuals, it does not reconstitute it into a partnership (Horwitz 1985:189). Corporations can therefore pretend to be partnerships, but retain their perpetuity as well as their limited liability. This one-way equality advantages public over closely held corporations. In practice contemporary legal and governance theories make a distinction between closely held and public corporations (Dine 2006). The identification doctrine makes smaller incorporated companies more directly liable: “(…) the identification doctrine, as applied by the English courts, is also prone to disproportionately affect small organizations where the controlling mind is easy to identify” (Law Reform Commission (Ireland) 2005:29). Vice versa, in the public corporation it is less easy to attribute liability. As Wells (2005:17) puts it: “…[t]he larger and more diffuse the company structure, the easier it will be for it to avoid liability.” Salomon thus theoretically provides the perks provided by incorporation to all incorporated entities, but in practice this doctrinal decision is reserved for public corporations only (Dine 2006). Ireland (1999:509) argues that this leads to two bodies of company law. In spite of Salomon vs. Salomon, British company law thus implicitly makes a distinction between ‘public’ and ‘closely held’. This establishes a one-way equality in which the public corporation is favoured over natural persons, partnerships and closely held corporations.