william godwin
Political justice
Principles, Propositions & Discussionsfor Land & Freedom
An introductory word to the ‘anarchive’
“Anarchy is Order!”
‘I must Create a System or be enslav’d by
another Man’s.
I will not Reason & Compare: my business
is to Create’
(William Blake)
During the 19th century, anarchism has develloped as a result of a social current which aims for freedom and happiness. A number of factors since World War I have made this movement, and its ideas, dissapear little by little under the dust of history.
After the classical anarchism – of which the Spanish Revolution was one of the last representatives–a ‘new’ kind of resistance was founded in the sixties which claimed to be based (at least partly) on this anarchism. However this resistance is often limited to a few (and even then partly misunderstood) slogans such as ‘Anarchy is order’, ‘Property is theft’,...
Information about anarchism is often hard to come by, monopolised and intellectual; and therefore visibly disapearing.The ‘anarchive’ or ‘anarchist archive’ Anarchy is Order ( in short A.O) is an attempt to make the ‘principles, propositions and discussions’ of this tradition available again for anyone it concerns. We believe that these texts are part of our own heritage. They don’t belong to publishers, institutes or specialists.
These texts thus have to be available for all anarchists an other people interested. That is one of the conditions to give anarchism a new impulse, to let the ‘new anarchism’ outgrow the slogans. This is what makes this project relevant for us: we must find our roots to be able to renew ourselves. We have to learn from the mistakes of our socialist past. History has shown that a large number of the anarchist ideas remain standing, even during the most recent social-economic developments.
‘Anarchy Is Order’ does not make profits, everything is spread at the price of printing- and papercosts. This of course creates some limitations for these archives.
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(Be aware though of copyright restrictions. We also want to make sure that the anarchist or non-commercial printers, publishers and autors are not being harmed. Our priority on the other hand remains to spread the ideas, not the ownership of them.)
The anarchive offers these texts hoping that values like freedom, solidarity and direct action get a new meaning and will be lived again; so that the struggle continues against the
‘demons of flesh and blood, that sway scepters down here;
and the dirty microbes that send us dark diseases and wish to
squash us like horseflies;
and the will-‘o-the-wisp of the saddest ignorance’.
(L-P. Boon)
The rest depends as much on you as it depends on us. Don’t mourn, Organise!
Comments, questions, criticism,cooperation can be sent to
A complete list and updates are available on this address, new texts are always
welcome!!
ENQUIRY CONCERNING POLITICAL JUSTICE AND ITS INFLUENCE ON MORALS AND HAPPINESS.
William Godwin.
LONDON:
J.WATSON, 5 PAUL'S ALLEY, PATERNOSTER ROW.
1842
From Anarchy Archives
http://dwardmac.pitzer.edu/Anarchist_Archives/index.html
The text is taken from my copy of the fourth edition, 1842. This version of Political Justice, originally published in 1793, is based on the corrected third edition, published in 1798.
Table of contents
An introductory word to the ‘anarchive’ 2
Introduction 11
Preface to the second edition. 16
I. 19
II. 20
III. 20
IV. 21
V. 22
VI. 22
VII. 22
VIII. 23
BOOK I 24
OF THE POWERS OF MAN CONSIDERED IN HlS SOCIAL CAPACITY 24
CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION 24
CHAP. II. HISTORY OF POLITICAL SOCIETY 29
CHAP. III. SPIRIT OF POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS. 36
CHAPTER IV THE CHARACTERS OF MEN ORIGINATE IN THEIR EXTERNAL CIRCUMSTANCES. 43
CHAPTER V THE VOLUNTARY ACTIONS OF MEN ORIGINATE IN THEIR OPINIONS 66
CHAPTER VI OF THE INFLUENCE OF CLIMATE 99
CHAPTER VII OF THE INFLUENCE OF LUXURY 107
CHAPTER VIII HUMAN INVENTIONS SUSCEPTIBLE OF PERPETUAL IMPROVEMENT 111
BOOK II PRINCIPALS OF SOCIETY 118
CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION 118
CHAPTER II OF JUSTICE 123
CHAPTER II OF JUSTICE 134
CHAPTER II OF JUSTICE 136
CHAPTER III OF THE EQUALITY OF MANKIND 138
CHAPTER IV OF PERSONAL VIRTUE AND DUTY 143
CHAPTER V 0F RIGHTS 151
CHAPTER VI Of the Right of Private Judgment. 161
BOOK III Principles of Government 171
CHAPTER I Systems of Political Writers. 171
CHAPTER II OF THE SOCIAL CONTRACT 174
CHAPTER III OF PROMISES 180
CHAPTER IV OF POLITICAL AUTHORITY 197
CHAPTER V OF LEGISLATION 203
CHAPTER VI OF OBEDIENCE 205
CHAPTER VII OF Forms of Government 218
BOOK IV OF THE OPERATION OF OPINION IN SOCIETIES AND INDIVIDUALS 223
CHAPTER I OF RESISTANCE 223
CHAPTER II OF REVOLUTIONS 236
CHAPTER III Of Political Associations 254
CHAPTER IV Of Tyrannicide 266
CHAPTER V OF THE CULTIVATION OF TRUTH 270
Appendix OF THE CONNECTION BETWEEN UNDERSTANDING AND VIRTUE 278
CHAPTER VI OF SINCERITY 287
Appendix I ILLUSTRATIONS OF SINCERITY 299
Appendix 2 OF THE MODE OF EXCLUDING VISITORS 311
CHAPTER VII OF FREE WILL AND NECESSITY 314
CHAPTER VIII INFERENCES FROM THE DOCTRINE OF NECESSITY 332
CHAPTER IX OF THE MECHANISM OF THE HUMAN MIND 343
CHAPTER X OF SELF-LOVE AND BENEVOLENCE 362
CHAPTER XI OF GOOD AND EVIL 376
BOOK V OF LEGISLATIVE AND EXECUTIVE POWER 396
CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION 396
CHAPTER II Of Education, the Education of a Prince 400
CHAPTER III PRIVATE LIFE OF A PRINCE 411
CHAPTER IV OF A VIRTUOUS DESPOTISM 419
CHAPTER V OF COURTS AND MINISTERS 424
CHAPTER VI Of Subjects 433
CHAPTER VII OF ELECTIVE MONARCHY 443
CHAPTER VIII OF LIMITED MONARCHY 449
CHAPTER IX OF A PRESIDENT WITH REGAL POWERS 459
CHAPTER X OF HEREDITARY DISTINCTION 465
CHAPTER XI MORAL EFFECTS OF ARISTOCRACY 470
CHAPTER XII OF TITLES 476
CHAPTER XIII OF THE ARISTOCRATICAL CHARACTER 479
CHAPTER XIV GENERAL FEATURES OF DEMOCRACY 488
CHAPTER XV Of Political Imposture 496
CHAPTER XVI Of the Causes of War 510
CHAPTER XVII OF THE OBJECT OF WAR 519
CHAPTER XVIII OF THE CONDUCT OF WAR 523
CHAPTER XIX. OF MILITARY ESTABLISHMENTS AND TREATIES 530
CHAPTER XX OF DEMOCRACY AS CONNECTED WITH THE TRANSACTIONS OF WAR 537
CHAPTER XXI OF THE COMPOSITION OF GOVERNMENT 543
CHAPTER XXII. OF THE FUTURE HISTORY OF POLITICAL SOCIETIES 549
CHAPTER XXIII. OF NATIONAL ASSEMBLIES 557
CHAPTER XXIV. OF THE DISSOLUTION OF GOVERNMENT 564
BOOK VI OF OPINION CONSIDERED AS A SUBJECT OF POLITICAL INSTITUTION 567
CHAPTER I. GENERAL EFECTS OF THE POLITICAL SUPERINTENDENCE OF OPINION 567
CHAPTER II Of Religious Establishments 583
CHAPTER III OF THE SUPPRESSIONS OF ERRONEOUS OPINIONS IN RELIGION AND GOVERNMENT 588
CHAPTER IV OF TESTS 599
CHAPTER V OF OATHS 606
CHAPTER VII OF CONSTITUTIONS 622
CHAPTER VIII OF NATIONAL EDUCATION 633
CHAPTER IX OF PENSIONS AND SALARIES 639
CHAPTER X OF THE MODES OF DECIDING A QUESTION ON THE PART OF THE COMMUNITY 649
BOOK VII 653
OF CRIMES AND PUNISHMENTS 653
CHAPTER I LIMITATIONS OF THE DOCTRINE OF PUNISHMENT WHICH RESULT FROM THE PRINCIPLES OF MORALITY 653
CHAPTER II General Disadvantages of Punishment 659
CHAPTER III OF THE PURPOSES OF PUNISHMENT 666
CHAPTER IV OF THE APPLICATION OF PUNISHMENT 674
CHAPTER V OF PUNISHMENT CONSIDERED AS A TEMPORARY EXPEDIENT 684
CHAPTER VI SCALE OF PUNISHMENT 699
CHAPTER VII OF EVIDENCE 712
CHAPTER VIII OF LAW 715
CHAPTER IX OF PARDONS 729
BOOK VIII OF PROPERTY 734
CHAPTER I PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS 734
CHAPTER II PRINCIPLES OF PROPERTY 743
CHAPTER III BENEFITS ATTENDANT ON A SYSTEM OF EQUALITY 761
CHAPTER IV OBJECTION TO THIS SYSTEM FROM THE FRAILTY OF THE HUMAN MIND 771
CHAPTER V OBJECTION TO THIS SYSTEM FROM THE QUESTION OF PERMANENCE 777
CHAPTER VI OBJECTION TO THIS SYSTEM FROM THE ALLUREMENTS OF SLOTH 781
CHAPTER VII OBJECTION TO THIS SYSTEM FROM THE BENEFITS OF LUXURY 788
CHAPTER VIII OBJECTION TO THIS SYSTEM FROM THE INFLEXIBILITY OF ITS RESTRICTIONS 793
CHAPTER VIII APPENDIX - OF COOPERATION, COHABITATION AND MARRIAGE 796
CHAPTER IX OBJECTION TO THIS SYSTEM FROM THE PRINCIPLE OF POPULATION 808
CHAPTER IX APPENDIX - OF HEALTH, AND THE PROLONGATION OF HUMAN LIFE 812
CHAPTER X REFLECTIONS 821
Introduction
Few works of literature are held to be of more general use, than those which treat in a methodical and elementary way of the principles of science. But the human mind in every enlightened age is progressive; and the best elementary treatises, after a certain time, are reduced in value by the operation of subsequent discoveries. Hence it has always been desired by the intelligent, that new works of this kind should from time to time be brought forward, including the improvements, which had not yet been realised when former compilations upon the subject were produced.
It would be strange if something of this kind were not requisite in the science of politics, after the concussion that the minds of men have suffered upon this subject, and the materials that have been furnished, by the recent experiments of America and France. A sense of the value of such a work, if properly executed, was the motive which gave birth to these volumes.
Authors who have formed the design of supplying the defects of their predecessors, will be found, if they were in any degree equal to the task, not merely to have collected the scattered information that had been produced upon the subject, but to have enlarged the science by the effect of their own mediations. In the following work principles will occasionally occur, which it will not be just to reject without examination, upon the ground of their apparent novelty. It was impossible perseveringly to reflect upon so comprehensive a science, and a science which may be said to be yet in its infancy, without being led into ways of thinking that were is some degree uncommon.
Another argument in favour of the utility of such a work, was frequently in the author's mind, and therefore ought to be mentioned. He conceived politics to be the proper vehicle of a liberal morality. That description of ethics will be found perhaps to be worthy of slight estimation, which confines itself to petty detail and the offices of private life, instead of designing the combined and simultaneous improvement of communities and nations. But, if individual correction ought not to be the grand purpose of ethics, neither ought it by any means to be overlooked. It appeared sufficiently practicable to make of such a treatise, exclusively of its direct political use, an advantageous vehicle for this subordinate purpose. The author was accordingly desirous of producing a work from the perusal of which no man should rise, without being strengthened in habits of sincerity, fortitude, and justice.
Having stated the considerations in which the work originated, it is proper to mention a few circumstances of the outline of its history. It was projected in the month of May 1791: the composition was begun in the following September, and has therefore occupied a space of sixteen months. This period was for the most part devoted to the purpose with unusual ardour. It were to be wished it had been longer; but the state of the public mind and of the general interests of the species operated as a strong argument in favour of an early publication.
The printing of the following treatise, as well as the composition, was influenced by the same principle, a desire to reconcile a certain degree of dispatch with the necessary deliberation. The printing was for that reason commenced long before the composition was finished. Some disadvantages have arisen from this circumstance. The ideas of the author became more perspicuous and digested as his enquiries advanced. The longer he considered the subject, the more clearly he seemed to understand it. This circumstance has led him into some inaccuracies of language and reasoning, particularly in the earlier part of the work, respecting the properties and utility of government. He did not enter upon the subject without being aware that government by its very nature counteracts the improvement of individual intellect; but, as the views he entertains in this particular are out of the common road, it is scarcely to be wondered at that he understood the proposition more completely as he proceeded, and saw more distinctly into the nature of the remedy. This defect, together with some others, might, under a different mode of preparation, have been avoided. The judicious reader will make a suitable allowance. The author judges upon a review that the errors are not such as essentially to affect the object of the work, and that more has been gained than lost by the conduct he has pursued.1
In addition to what is here stated it may not be useless to describe the progress by which the author's mind was led to its present sentiments. They are not the suggestions of any sudden effervescence of fancy. Political enquiry had long held a considerable place in the writer's attention. It is now twelve years since he became satisfied that monarchy was a species of government essentially corrupt. He owed this conviction to the political writings of Swift and to a perusal of the Latin historians. Nearly at the same time he derived much additional stimulus from several French productions on the nature of man which fell into his hands in the following order, the Systéme de la Nature, the works of Rousseau, and those of Helvetius. Long before he projected the present work his mind had been familiarized to several of the speculations suggested in it respecting justice, gratitude, the rights of man, promises, oaths and the omnipotence of opinion. Of the desirableness of a government in the utmost degree simple he was not persuaded but in consequence of ideas suggested by the French revolution. To the same event he owes the determination of mind which gave birth to the present work.
The period in which it makes its appearance is singular. The people of England have assiduously been excited to declare their loyalty, and to mark every man as obnoxious who is not ready to sign the Shibboleth of the constitution. Money is raised by voluntary subscription to defray the expense of prosecuting men who shall dare to promulgate heretical opinions, and thus to oppress them at once with the authority of government, and the resentment of individuals. This was an accident unforeseen when the work was undertaken; and it will scarcely be supposed that such an accident could produce any alteration in the writer's designs. Every man, if we may believe the voice of rumour, is to be prosecuted who shall appeal to the people by the publication of any unconstitutional paper or pamphlet; and it is added that men are to be punished for any unguarded words that may be dropped in the warmth of conversation and debate.2 It is now to be tried whether, in addition to these alarming encroachments upon our liberty, a book is to fall under the arm of the civil power which, beside the advantage of having for one of its express objects the dissuading from tumult and violence, is by its very nature an appeal to men of study and reflection. It is to be tried whether an attempt shall be made to suppress the activity of mind, and put an end to the disquisitions of science. Respecting the event in a personal view the author has formed his resolution. Whatever conduct his countrymen may pursue, they will not be able to shake his tranquillity. The duty he conceives himself most bound to discharge is the assisting the progress of truth; and, if he suffer in any respect for such a proceeding, there is certainly no vicissitude that can befal him that can ever bring along with it a more satisfactory consolation.