Sense of Self-Mastery and Sense of Divine Control

Beyond the West:Religious Beliefs, Religiosity, and the Sense of Mastery in Modern Taiwan

Eric Y. Liu

Baylor University

ABSTRACT: This study focuses on the associations between religious beliefs, religiosity, and the sense of mastery in Taiwan. Using data from a national representative sample of Taiwanese adults, I found that: 1) belief in karma and belief in one omnipotent God were associated negatively withthe sense of mastery; 2) however, theestimated net effect ofpersonal piety on mastery appeared to be strong, positive, and statistically significant for the Taiwanese. The implications of this study are discussed.

Sociologists have long been interested in studying the impact of religion on individuals’ inner lives (Weber [1922] 1963; Durkeim [1897] 1951; Marx [1852] 1983). According to symbolic interactionism, the content of self-concept, such as the sense of mastery, is attributable to multidimensional religious beliefs and behavior (Mead 1934; Cooley 1902; James [1890] 1981). In particular, since humans have the capacity to imagine themselves as “spiritual or moral being[s]” (Gecas 1982:3), individuals’ beliefs in the supernatural remain central to personal functioning (Stark 2001, 2007; Schieman et al. 2005; Schieman et al. 2003; Greeley 1995; Ellison 1993).

Recently, increased scholarly attention has been paid to the effect that religiosity has on personal mastery, a basic dimension of self-concept (Schieman et al. 2005; Shek 2001, 2004, 2005; Schieman et al. 2003; Shek 2003 et al.; Jacobson 1999; Ellison 1993; Jackson and Coursey 1988; Pargament et al. 1988; Tebbi et al. 1987; Friedberg and Friedberg 1985). According to Pearlin and Schooler (1978), personal mastery refers to the self-perceived ability of an individual to control life events and outcomes. Persons with a lower sense of mastery may deny their own control over life adversity that happens to them, because they believe that life events are due to divine power, while individuals with a higher sense of mastery perceive themselves as “Captain on the boat” (Schieman et al. 2003). The sense of mastery is critical for good mental and physical health, as well as many forms of worldly accomplishments (see Pearlin 1999).

Despite the growing body of literature on the associations between religiosity and personal mastery, researchers have yet to reach a consensus on whether religious beliefs and practices may influence personal mastery, for at least three reasons. First, the importance of the topic has been somehow understated (Schieman et al. 2003). Second, although prior research has employed an array of sampling designs and measures, some of it has been subjected to methodological issues (for a review see Schieman et al. 2003). Third, more importantly, nontheisitc religions have been largely neglected in the past analyses of mastery, with the research scope being confined to the Western societies dominated by the Judeo-Christian tradition (with a few exceptions: see in Shek 2001, 2004, 2005 and Shek 2003 et al.).

This study may contribute to the existing literature on religion and mastery in four ways. First, it focuses on only one particular aspect of self-concept: the sense of mastery. Second, this paper assesses the effects on personal mastery of religious beliefs and religiosity. Third, this work extends the research scope beyond the Judeo-Christian tradition in the Western context to include Chinese religions in Taiwan, an Eastern society. In the reminder of the article, I present my findings and discuss the implications of these findings for future research.

PREVIOUS LITERATURE

Schieman et al. (2005) have recently sorted out two competing theses with regard to religiosity and the sense of mastery: the personal empowerment thesis and the relinquished control thesis. Specifically, the personal empowerment thesis suggests a positive relationship between faith, religiosity, and mastery. For example, the belief in an omnipotent supernatural being may enhance feelings of personal potency and reduce uncertainty, as individuals collaborate with God to solve problems (Gorsuch and Smith 1983; Ellison 1993; Pargament et al. 1988). Because the belief in divine beings may be the ultimate enabler for personal feelings of mastery, individuals, particularly the powerless, need not rely on alternative sources for internal mastery (Jackson and Coursey 1988; Koenig 1994; Schieman et al. 2005). In addition to beliefs, religious practices may underscore role-taking activities in which the faithful identify life problems by referencing to the God role or biblical figures (Ellison 1991; Sharot 2001; Schieman et al. 2005). Through practices, individuals may find meanings on what God would expect of them in times of adversity (Wikstrom 1987), and acquire positive outcomes of inner feelings of control (Maton 1984; Pargament et al. 1990).

The relinquished control thesis, on the contrary, expects religiosity to be associated negatively with mastery (Schieman et al. 2005). It has been argued that ceding control to divine others undermines personal mastery, as the divine beings take over the role in dictating individuals’ life events and outcomes (Spilka and Schmidt 1983; Jackson and Coursey 1988). This perspective seems to be consistent with Sigmund Freud’s ([1900] 1976) psychological diagnosis of religion as “self-protective fiction” and “institutionalized mass neurosis” that lures believers into a state of dependency, and with Marx’s ([1844] 1970) famous claim that religion is “the opium of the people”, a sigh of “the oppressed creature”, and “a heart of a heartless world”. Moreover, reliance on divine intervention may erode self-efficacy, since it can detract from personal efforts at problem solving (Ellison 1993). When encountered with stress, religious forms of coping may diminish feelings of self-potency by attributing the causes and consequences of stress to an omnipotent deity (Ellison and Taylor 1996).

Previous empirical research examining the associations between faith, religiosity, and mastery has been primarily in the Western cultures, particularly the U.S. and Canada. Most of it has investigated particularized population subgroups, thus far with inconsistent results. For instance, there seemed to be little significant effect of religiosity on mastery among African Americans (Ellison 1993; Jackson and Coursey 1988), adolescent cancer patients (Tebbi et al. 1987), and college undergraduates (Friedberg and Friedberg 1985). However, divine control had a negative effect on mastery among elderly white persons (Schieman et al. 2005). Similarly, Sechieman et al.’s study (2003) of 1,393 adult residents in Toronto, Canada showed a negative SES-contingent effect of religiosity on mastery. In addition, mastery varied across some Christian denominations, which differ widely in biblical teachings about divine authority, power, and God’s will (Ellison 1993; Ellison et al. 2001; Ferraro and Kelley-Moore 2000; Jacobson 1999; Pargament et al. 1988). When God was actively involved in individual problem-solving processes, religiosity and mastery were associated negatively with one another; but when God was indirectly involved in the processes, the direction of the relationship was reversed (Pargament et al. 1988).

RELIGIOUS BELIEFS AND MASTERY IN TRADITIONAL CHINESE CULTURE

Religions divide into two broad categories: theistic (godly) and non-theistic (godless) traditions. Theistic beliefs are based on conscious divine beings, who serve as objects of human worship, sacrifices, or supplications for blessings and rewards (Stark 2001). In contrast, non-theistic beliefs are based on unconscious, inactive supernatural essences or forces, which govern human life but are not regarded as suitable partners of human relationship of exchange and therefore can only inspire meditation, ritual, and magic (Stark 2001). Godless religions in traditional Chinese culture, typically including orthodox Buddhism, Confucianism, and Taoism, all teach that the truth is discerned within the “natural” order, rather than revealed by supernatural beings (Weber 1951; Yang 1961) (see Note 1).

Karma, for instance, is the basic concept of orthodox Chinese Buddhism, which defines that deeds by all forms of sentient beings create life circles and consistently influence past, present, and future experiences (Ch’en 1964). Because “karma” functions as a chain of causes and effects, orthodox Buddhism places a central emphasis on personal responsibility for life outcomes, without references to god or gods (Eberhard 1966). In his analyses of Chinese Buddhism, Eberhard notes: “If a person is reborn in human shape, fate determines only the social starting point and his physical and mental endowment, not his whole life. Man has a chance to change his fate through morally good or, for that matter, bad actions…even as a prostitute, the person can strive to improve her fate.” (Eberhard 1966:152-53) Meditation and precept practices are common techniques for orthodox Buddhists to pursue higher life quality in this world and an “other” world.

When it comes to Confucianism and the orthodox belief in heavenly fate, C.K. Yang (1961) observes that “[w]hile relying on the concept of fate to steel themselves in the face momentous crises or to help them resolve conflict in life situations, the Confucians reserved for an important role in the shaping of fate. In this reservation lay the realism and positive spirit of Confucian mentality toward life, making the Confucians, and the Chinese people in general, different from members of cultures in which there is a distinctly negative quality and in which the whole course life is resigned to the control of supernatural agents…” (Yang 1961:272) The exaltation of the high position of man in the cosmic order also leads to the idea that man himself, though subordinate to Heaven, has the power to ward off evil spirits and life adversities, as long as he remains morally qualified (Yang 1961: 273-74).

Similar with the Buddhist and Confucian beliefs, Tao as an orthodox Taoist concept refers to the eternal order of the cosmos and the paramount force behind the order that keeps the universe and life ordered and balanced (Weber 1951). “Tao is the one unchangeable element and therefore it is the absolute value…it is the divine All-One of which one can partake…” (Weber 1951:181-82) Taoists believe that instead of being created by divine others, things in the universe behave as they do, being based on their intrinsic interdependent relationship with the existential pattern of all life (Needham 1956). Thus, the aim of Taoists is not to carry out plans laid out for them by god(s), but to live in harmony with the Tao through practicing qi and thereby avoid falling into the extremes of yin and yang (Coward 1996).

Thus far, there only exist a few studies examining the effect on the sense of mastery of specific Chinese religious-cultural beliefs exclusively among adolescents in Hong Kong. From a cross-sectional study of 1,519 Hong Kong youths, for example, Shek (2004) reported that the adolescents with stronger parental endorsement of positive Confucian, Buddhist, and Taoist beliefs about life adversity showed a greater sense of mastery, better school adjustment, and less delinquent behavior. In particular, the belief effect on mastery appeared to be stronger among the adolescents with economic disadvantages than among others. In several additional studies based on smaller samples, similar patterns were found among Hong Kong adolescents whose families experienced economic disadvantages: positive religious beliefs about life adversity enhanced internal feelings of mastery (Shek 2001; Shek et al. 2003), and such influences seemed to be time persistent (Shek 2005).

RESEARCH HYPOTHESES

Whereas the supernatural occupies a central place in the personal empowerment and relinquished control explanations of personal mastery, beliefs in supernatural essences or forces have been largely ignored in previous theory and research. Of course, previous studies in Hong Kong discussed the influence of specific Chinese cultural beliefs about adversity on mastery for adolescents (Shek 2005, 2004, 2001; Shek et al. 2003), but the religious origin of the beliefs seemed ambiguous (e.g., the sayings “hardship increases stature” “diligent is an important factor to overcome poverty” “man is not born to greatness, he achieves it by his own effort”). Although some of the beliefs are explicitly said to be shaped by religious thoughts (e.g., the Confucian belief “if you work hard enough, you can turn an iron rod into a needle”, and the Buddhist/Taoist belief “poverty stifles ambition”), they are concerned primarily with secular achievements, rather than directly linking to the core ideas of karma, fate, or Tao.

The goal of primary interest in this paper, therefore, is to investigate how and to what extent mastery may be associated with nontheistic beliefs in the Chinese cultural settings. In addition, this study examines the relationships between other dimensions of religiosity and the sense of mastery across religious traditions.

As noted earlier, the Buddhist belief in Karma, the Confucian belief in heavenly fate, and the Taoist belief in Tao each serve as a stark contrast with the idea that divine beings create humans, lay out plans for them, and keep intervening in their affairs. Nevertheless, none of Buddhism, Confucianism, and Taoism explicitly argues that man has total control over life events and affairs in this world. In fact, the orthodox religious beliefs all teach that man must accept what happens to them in his life, either success and happiness or failure and adversity, as a result of being dictated by the metaphysical laws of the natural order in the universe (Weber 1951; Yang 1961). In view of this, one would expect from the relinquished control perspective that regardless of religious affiliation, the belief in the supernatural will lead to lower levels of personal mastery. State it as a hypothesis:

Hypothesis 1- The sense of mastery will be weaker for those who believe in God and karma than for others, other things being equal. (See note 2)

On the other hand, however, orthodox Buddhists, Confucians, and Taoists all emphasize on man’s self-responsibility for life events and outcomes and his ability to acquire self-potency by action. After all, man can plan and do his utmost to change his life course and solve his own life problems through religious activities, including meditation, reading sacred texts, practicing qi, and visiting temples. This perspective, then, is somewhat similar to the Christian idea that man will be endowed with a stronger sense of mastery as he acts upon God’s will by knowing Him better and/or collaborating with Him based on personal piety, such as prayer, fasting, reading scriptures, and frequently attending religious services. Hence, the second hypothesis from the personal empowerment perspective:

Hypothesis 2- The sense of mastery will be stronger for individuals with higher levels of religiosity than for others, other things being equal.

DATA & METHOD

Data

Data come from the 2004 “Taiwan Social Change Survey” (TSCS) (see Note 3). The TSCS is believed to be the largest survey series among all of the general social surveys in the world. It is a cross-sectional representative survey that tracks the long-term trend of social changes in Taiwan since 1985. The survey series have followed 5-year cycles that rotate selective modules for various topics, such as religion, family, politics, stratification, lifestyle, and mass communication. As of 2006, the TSCS had already accumulated 37 surveys. Recently, the richness and high quality of the TSCS data have appealed to Western scholars’ attention and become open for the public use through the Association of Religion Data Archives. For original information about data collection and sampling procedures, refer to http://www.ios.sinica.edu.tw