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Edvardsson Stiwne Elinor , PhD, Assistant professor

Department of Behavioural Sciences, Linkoping University, Sweden

The first year in Higher Education – a search for relevance and meaning

Paper presented at the European Conference on Educational Research, University College Dublin, 7-10 September 2005

ABSTRACT

For the vision of a European Higher Education Area to be realised, young people in Europe must be convinced that an academic degree is necessary and relevant as an entry to the labour market. They have to find academic studies attractive, relevant and worth the effort and costs, compared to other options. An assumption is that the first year in a study program is a search for relevance and meaning for young adults and that the outcome of this is a result of an interaction between individual students and specific learning contexts within an overall social context. From interviews with first year students in four cohorts enrolling in “the same” graduate engineering program we have indications that here has been a change in the students attitudes to their studies as well as to their future on the labour market, between the cohorts who entered in 1998 and 1999 and those who entered in 2000 and 2002. This change between the cohorts is interpreted in this paper as an increased uncertainty about the future in general, the meaning of life, and as an increased ambivalence to the relevance of an academic grade as the self evident admission to a qualified labour market.

Key words: first year students, European Higher Education Area, relevance, meaning,

Introduction

The European Higher Education Area (EHEA) is to be established in 2010. Higher Education (HE) institutions, students and other stakeholders are invited to contribute to make HE systems more comparable, compatible and transparent. Four main purposes of HE are identified (Bologna Working Group on Qualification Frameworks, 2005)

a)Preparation for the labour market (employability)

b)Preparation for a life as active citizens in a democratic society

c)Personal development

d)The development and maintenance of a broad, advanced knowledge base

All HE should be classified into one of three cycles, where the 1st cycle (three years) should give access to the 2nd cycle (two years) which should give access to the 3rd cycle (three years). This political vision is focussing on the economic and social competitiveness of Europe in a global world where knowledge and lifelong learning are regarded the driving forces of the economy. For this vision to be realised, young people in Europe must be convinced that an academic degree is necessary and relevant as an entry to the labour market. For this to be realised they have to find academic studies attractive, relevant and worth the effort and costs, compared to other options. An assumption in this paper is that the first year in a study program is a search for relevance and meaning for young adults and that the outcome of this is a result of an interaction between individual students and specific learning contexts within an overall social context.

SWEDEN AND THE “BOLOGNA PROCESS”

In Sweden, as in other European countries, a political goal is that 50% of an upper secondary school cohort should enter into HE before the age of 25. There is also a strong belief that HE shall contribute to regional economic growth. A Swedish study (Persson & Regnér, 2005) indicate that the establishment of regional HE institutions have not had that expected effect. In 2005 there are alarming reports of the unemployment rates among young adults in Sweden, and especially among graduates and postgraduates (SACO, 2005 ). Many graduates have to face the fact that after 3-5 years of university studies they have to support themselves as taxi drivers, shop assistants or high qualified, low paid civil servant assistants. Naess (2004) reported the same unexpected phenomena in Norway where the number of graduates holding higher degrees has increased during the last ten years, and so has the level of long-term graduate unemployment.

One explicit goal in the Bologna process is that academics should be employable after three years ( the first cycle), and that the first three goals mentioned above are as important as the 4th. In some HE institutions this can be regarded as a challenge to more traditional, academic values, where the development and maintenance of broad, advanced knowledge in different subject areas have been considered the main goal (Scott, 2003; 2004; Kyvik, 2004; Marga, 2004). The transformation of HE curriculum is by tradition regarded as an intra-academic, collegial issue, which means that opinions, demands and needs from other stake holders might be neglected or even rejected (Scott, 2004). But with the aim of 50% of a cohort going into HE with the goal of being employable on the labour market after that, the authority, credibility and relevance of the HE will be challenged from “the outside” to a higher degree than before. The changes and reforms that are undertaken might be of high quality and high relevance within the academic value system, but less relevant for the external context and therefore unintended consequences of planned actions might be experienced such as i.e. unemployment of academics, low attrition rates and high drop out rates and low motivation among students and faculty (Scott, 2003; 2004; Kyvik, 2004).

The first year in a study program is considered crucial for the students´ approaches to studying and learning as well as for the socialisation into a future professional life (Entwistle, 2003; Weidman et.al., 2001). Several studies show that approaches to studying and learning are constructed in an interplay between individual students´ and the institutions´ aims and expectations (Biggs, 1999; Entwistle et.al., 2002; Hounshell & McCune, 2002: Marton & Säljö, 1997) and that student learning is based on a relation between their earlier study experiences, what they expect to learn, their aims for the future and the teachers approaches to teaching (Entwistle, 2003). This relation is domain specific, i.e. the relations are constructed within a specific context. The results from studies of the first year in study programs with large study groups show that the organising and management of classes and programs are of vital importance for the students perceptions of the relevance and quality of a course (Entwistle, ibid.). Other studies show a relation between students´ adjustment to their study environment and their motivation and achievement (Drew, 2001; Halamandaris & Power, 1996; Struthers et.al, 2000).

THE PURPOSE OF THIS PAPER

The purpose of this paper is to discuss the results of the expectancies and first year experiences of four cohorts of engineering students in the context of the ongoing implementation of the agreements made within the framework of the Bologna process and the situation on the job market for graduates. Data is based on a longitudinal study of four cohorts engineering students in Linkoping University in Sweden ( Edvardsson Stiwne, 2004; Edvardsson Stiwne et.al 2005). In this paper focus is on the results from interviews with students during their first study year (Edvardsson Stiwne, 2004). The main result are that there was an indication of a change in the students attitudes to the studies and to the future labour market, between the students who started in 1998, 1999 and those who started in 2000 and 2002. In this paper these results are discussed within a wider context, the changing structures and values of European Higher Education and a globalised labour market (Naess, 2004; Högskoleverket, 2004).

BACKGROUND

The longitudinal study started with surveys and interviews of the 185 students who entered their studies in August 1998. The study board had noticed low motivation and high drop out rates among the students and wanted to know what the students study back ground and expectations were when they entered and what their experiences of the curriculum, study context were during their first study year. On basis of these results they planned to start reforming the study program. In 1999 they enrolled in an international project with the aim of reforming Engineering programs[1] The funding by the Knut and Alice Wallenberg foundation made it financially possible for the Linkoping study board to enlarge the study to a longitudinal study of the monitoring of the whole study period of four cohorts with a follow up one year after graduation (Edvardsson Stiwne, 2004; 2005).

During the first study year ten students in each cohort were interviewed twice. The first interview was made about one month after their entrance into the study program. The focus in the semi structured interview was their study background, their expectations of their studies and of their professional future. The second interview was made at the end of the second semester. The focus in that interview was on their experiences of being a student in that specific study context, their self reported study results and their plans for the future.

A comparison between the interviewed students, on a cohort level, indicated a change in the students attitudes to the studies and to the future labour market, between the students who started in 1998, 1999 and those who started in 2000 and 2002 (Edvardsson Stiwne, 2004). In the first two cohorts the students were more future oriented. They considered graduate studies to be a tough but possible way to get a wellpaid and interesting job in the future and they were prepared to work hard and make immediate personal sacrifices to reach their future goals. They expressed the great efforts they had made in order to live up to the demands of the study environment. Their study failures were ascribed to their own lack of skills, competence or ambitions. In the latter cohorts the students expressed more ambivalence towards their studies as well as to their future on a job market. Their study strategies were more focussed on “just passing” in order to get their grades and on adjusting to their lives as “a student” and they avoided to think about themselves as graduates. They focussed on their study situation “here- and-now” and had great confidence in that everything would sort itself out somehow. They regarded the first year as “a test” to see if the study environment could “live up” to their expectations and requirements. Study failures were ascribed to their lack of motivation or efforts or that the program was not “their cup of tea”.

These differences between the cohorts might conceal some differences within the cohorts. In a previous paper (Edvardsson Stiwne, 2003) two study histories were constructed from interviews with two students in the 1998 cohort. One history was constructed from the narrative told by a male student from a working class background, above the average age in the cohort and with several years of work life experience and adult education before his entry into the study program. The other history was constructed in collaboration with a female student from a middle class background, top grades from upper secondary school and no previous work life experiences. Both students had graduated in stipulated time. One conclusion drawn from these stories was that students´ subjective perceptions of their study environment is a prime mover for their attrition, motivation, study- and learning orientation and study results and that these perceptions contribute to their creation of meaning within the study context. The curriculum, exams, teaching and guiding, student counselling were perceived and interpreted differently by these students, who created their own study environment that suited their personal goals. These two students used the “same” study context to achieve their, very different, ways of enacting their lives as students in a prestigious and tough study program.

THE RELEVANCE AND MEANING OF AN ACADEMIC

DEGREE – A POLITICAL PERSPECTIVE

Higher education institutions have a long tradition of defending the freedom of academic research and knowledge from the interference from an outside, civil world (Ambjörnsson, 2002; Scott, 2003; 2004; Marga, 2003). This defence of boundaries have united faculty and contributed to a strong sense of collegial cohesion and leadership. The “Bologna process” and the political aim of creating a European Higher Education Area focuses the challenges that HE institutions have to face in a context where they have to clarify their values. Scott (2004) argues that Universities are perhaps the most value-laden institutions in modern society, as they do not only express intellectual and scientific values through teaching and research, but also embody powerful organisational values (collegial governance, institutional autonomy and academic freedom), instrumental values ( as a powerful actor in a knowledge society) and as a contributor to wider social and cultural values (EHEA). Twale & Kochran (2000) argue that the academic context lacks the necessary openness to the civil society that is necessary for the realisation of a co-operation between academia, society and industry. If “knowledge production” and the design of study programs remain an internal, academic issue at the same time as the goal of 50% of a cohort going into HE is to be realised, we run the risk of contributing to the undermining of the legitimacy and relevance of HE. Weidman et.al (2001) argues that in spite of the expansion of student attrition the organising of faculty- and student work is mainly based on the same principles as before this expansion. Strong academic norms and culture contributes to homogenisation, conformity and exclusion on behalf of creativity, critical thinking and openness to the civil society. The discourse of diversity and equality may turn out to be merely prestige words if they are just regarded as buss words to be used in the recruitment of students and not applied on the relations between faculty and students, between faculty and civil society and within faculty. With more heterogeneous academic contexts the balance between the satisfaction of individual needs and collective structures become delicate and the best intentions can result in unexpected an unintended consequences (Giddens, 1984). A prime mover for students to fulfil and graduate from a longer, professional study program is that they perceive it relevant and meaningful (Weidman et.al, 2001) and that the civil society and industry as well as the profession have confidence in the HE as the best producer of knowledge in their fields. In professional education it might therefore be necessary to relate curriculum, as well as methods of work, to a variety of cultural contexts. In Sweden i.e., the students´ rights to influence their curriculum and study environment is statutory and they expect this to be enacted in class and course evaluations. This brings to the fore that the “knowledge society” is not a technological or technocratic phenomenon but a value laden process where ethical issues must be high lighted and discussed together with economical and marketing issues. Modern HE systems must engage with a fast moving, complex, multi-layered, ambiguous and volatile society. As a consequence, the implementation of the goals of the “Bologna process” demands more than changes in curriculum and designation of exams. Radical, structural changes must be considered within the academic organisation of i.e.

  • the management of study programs, departments and HE institutions
  • the assessment of faculty qualifications
  • the recruitment of students and assessment of student qualifications
  • the recruitment and employment of faculty

The traditional meritocratic and collegial system, which contributes to the exclusion of about 50% of the employees in HE institutions from influence on their work situation and work activities, has severe limits in a context where multi- and cross disciplinary work is strived for, where there is a democratisation of knowledge and where competition between knowledge producing institutions is a reality (Etzkowitz & Leydesdorff, 1995; Gibbons et.al, 1994; Haake, 2004; Scott, 1995; 2003; 2004; Kyvik, 2004; Ursin, 2004).

The creation of the EHEA is motivated by the assumption that a well educated work force is a necessity for the economic development of Europe in relation to other parts of the world. The implementation of the political goals of the “Bolognaprocess” can be regarded as a challenge to strong academic norms and cultures. Kyvik (2004) discusses the extent to which various European countries will converge to a common structural model for the organisation of HE, either binary systems (the most common model at present) or a unified, but hierarchical system as in the United Kingdom. With high demands on HE institutions to meet the rapid changing requirements of society for qualified labour force there are signs of a “vocational drift” in many Universities and with a growing number of students and decreasing public funding of HE and research in combination with a proletarisation of the graduate labour force it can be difficult to maintain a binary system where all HE institutions are competitive in both education/training and research.

The above mentioned political and organisational aspects of HE are one contextual frame work for the construction of specific study environments. There are studies showing that student motivation is contextual and relational and that students´ motives and motivation to study is created in the relation between the individual student and the context (Halamandaris & Power, 1996; Struthers et. Al, 2000; Drew, 2001; Edvardsson Stiwne, 2003). This is why we argue that the relevance and meaning of HE for the individual student must be considered in the “Bologna process” and in the political and economic considerations made within this framework. The primary target group for HE institutions are the young adults and knowledge and/or anticipations about their attitudes to studying and working are crucial for the planning and implementation of the EHEA. As Scott (2003) points out “globalization” embraces three dialectics between

  • global markets and global resistances
  • techno/industry and scientific culture
  • hegemonic “Western” culture and it opponents.

These tensions emanates in a feeling of uncertainty where young adults, who are at the cutting edge of creating a life of their own, no longer can rely on previous personal or social experiences. From this perspective it is argued that the surrounding society (of which they themselves are part) produces uncertainty about individual identity; social affinities, gender roles, employment and careers.