PROPOSED ON-LINE SUPPLEMENTARY MATERIAL
This on-line supplementary material provides an extended analysis of the interviews undertaken during the project, exploring for various livelihood sectors how people observe and cope with ‘normal’ levels of year to year variability, and how these coping responses are stressed or exceeded in ‘abnormally’ extreme years. Key observations, normal responses and limits to these are summarized in Table 2.
Fisheries
Normal years: the normal cycle of activity in commercial and subsistence fisheries (see Fig.3) (see also Welcomme, 1990, Bayley, 1989, Bayley and Petrere, 1989) is that these are most active in the low water season, when the most desirable and cultural important species, larger tambaqui and pirarucu, are concentrated and easily trapped in the shallow floodplain lakes, along with other aquatic vertebrate species. During the flood season, fish species spread out across the floodplains, making the catch per unit of effort very low, so most fisheries become inactive. Under these conditions of ‘normal’ variability, their social resilience is linked to a wealth of experiential knowledge from living with high levels of uncertainty in a harsh and variable climate and with scarce resources, as well as to their inbuilt social networks, simple settlements, and flexible and often mobile livelihood arrangements (Maru et al., 2014)
Abnormal years: during extreme dry seasons, important fish migration starts earlier during the receding water period as they anticipate the rapid drying up; local conditions for favored large fish species become unsuitable (low oxygen levels, high level of organic matter and eutrophication) and there is an increased fish mortality rate; as described by locals in Silves during interviews:
“when the river water level recedes fast, tambaqui leave the floodplain lakes because of the lower oxygen in the water and lack of food resources for them”.
In years such as 2005 and 2010, there is then over-fishing as fishermen concentrate on the shallow floodplain lakes (Pinho et al., 2012, Tomasella et al., 2012), and high mortality among remaining fish. One result can be an increase in social conflict between commercial and subsistence fishermen, as reported by the locals during interviews and fieldwork and local media (GLOBOAMAZONIA, 2010). In Silves, where a communal lakes management plan has been in place since the late 1970s to protect endangered fish species (Tambaquiand Pirarucu) (Chernela, 2005, Pinho et al., 2012), locals describe how the management system is jeopardized during extreme drought; they say the species start to migrate as soon as the water begins to recede fast, and fish species leave the floodplain lakes in search of better environmental conditions.
Thus, the spillover effect that usually benefits fishermen’s catch around the protected lake is severely reduced in the upcoming season, and predation is intensified (Pinho et al., 2012). Some minimal support from government in helping the locals to enforce their local strategies could help to reduce this predatory fishing. Locals perceive that the slow recovery of fish supply after an extreme drought season causes food shortages in the upcoming hydrological year, in turn affecting the resilience of the social system.
In these years, social resilience is further stressed by non-biological factors. Extreme low flows and the associated interrupted fluvial access also impede the delivery of diesel to remote communities for the storage of extra fish caught, and prevent transport of fish to market. Thus locals say extreme droughts bring “misfortune, contrary to what is expected for the season”, which in normal years is a “bountiful fisheries time”.
By contrast, if the high flood season fails to peak due to drought, interviewees identified a problem for the next dry season: favorite species usually fatten on the abundance of fruits and nuts in the flooded forest during high water season, but this process may fail due to the lack of the usual turnover of species through the high water season. In extreme floods, fish species spread out in lakes and flooded forests, reducing the ease of catch for locals even more.
Locals also describe indirect effects of extremes on livelihoods, acting through forest ecosystems; for example, the extended flood in 2009 led to delay in flowering and fruiting in most mungabeiras (Bombaxmunguba), which then changed the distribution of tambaqui fish species for fishermen, as this species is frugivorous and they accumulate most of their food supply during the high water season (see (Goulding, 1980).
Agriculture and Livestock
Normalyears: As in many other floodplain areas, agriculture, particularly the cultivation of manioc, is practiced here as floods recede during the dry season in locations where crops have enough time to mature (Junk, 2000); these must be harvested before waters start to rise (see Fig.3). Cattle grazing also focuses on the floodplains during the dry season; during high water they may be sold or transferred to an upland region (Chernela and Pinho, 2004, Nakashima et al., 2012). The ownership of cattle and other small livestock as well as agriculture provides some livelihood buffering against variability; the stock for example serve as a currency in years of moderate food shortages.
Abnormal years:the interviewed communities had faced an extreme flood in 2009, and an extreme drought in 2010, both of which left them with no agricultural production at all and highly dependent on outside markets for staple food. This led to high prices for manioc, beyond the means of the majority. Ironically in a region where fish is the major source of protein, locals report that their diet was mostly supplied by chicken bought in urban centers and delivered into the region.
"A major floodis verydifficult forus to eatandcultivate manioc, but thingsimproveswhen summer comes. Onlythisyear,a droughtlike this(2010) afterthe floodwe had (2009) have destroyed us: we had no production, animals or home to look after.”
In years of short floods and severe drought, cultivation of staples like manioc becomes difficult or impossible. There is a reduced area of appropriate soils, low soil moisture reduces productivity, there are technological limitations (soils get harder, and irrigation is necessary), and a need for increased labor to deal with these issues. Traditional slash and burning strategies also increase incidental fires in the forest due to high as flammability in extreme dry seasons such as 2005 and 2010 (Aragão et al., 2007, Marengo et al., 2008). Limits to local adaptive responses lead to increasing uncertainty about food supply. The need for extra capital to maintain livelihoods is not an option for the majority – in this case, their diversified livelihoods are threatened, leading to an greater dependency on governmental support, which is absent for remote people.
Extreme flood years also result in no agricultural productivity due to the shortened period for cultivation; this increases the need to sell cattle due to the lack of land for grazing. Indeed in these years, there can be high mortality among the small number of chickens, pigs and cattle that many people keep for times of low fish supply.
Forestry
Normalyears: the two main categories of forest use are timber extraction, which occurs during the flood season when water access and transport is possible, and harvest of non-timber products, particularly rubber (Hevea brasiliensis) in Flona do Tapajós, which occurs during the dry season. Local people observe the relationships between phenological characteristics of the tree species such as leaf opening and decay, and flowering and the absence or return of migratory birds and primates. They also note how seasonal flooding is related to tree species productivity and thus forestry quality in the dry season. For the regions surveyed, timber extraction starts with harvesting in March and April, just before the water reaches the logged areas (see Fig.3); the logs are then skidded (transported out, or to nearby villages if being used for local building) when the forests get flooded in June and July (Albernaz and Ayres, 1999 ).
Abnormal years: years of extreme floods and extreme drought (2005, 2010) led to loss of forestry production and low or no rubber tree productivity. In years with low maximum water levels during the flood season (e.g. 1998, 2004), the high floodplain area is not inundated so that harvested logs could not be skidded and rotted in situ, causing economic hardship for the local caboclo communities in the Amazon (Schongart and Junk, 2007). In Silves, the population is not dependent on commercial forestry (only using timber to build houses, canoes and fences); but there are Flona do Tapajós communities that are highly dependent on Hevea brasiliensis for rubber extraction, used to manufacture rubber products (for instance, sandals, backpacks and some small handcraft) for sale as part of a social development program in the region. Although there is no systematic data on the impact of drought and extreme floods on Hevea brasiliense production, villagers reported a decline in tree production, which compromised their small-scale production of handcrafted rubber products and meant that local NGOs struggled to meet market demand. Low river flows also exacerbated the chronic problem of limited capacity among locals to process the latex, as well as impeding access to productive rubber trees and transportation to market. In these circumstances, a coping mechanism is to switch to different subsistence or economic activities, but there are limited options available.
“ In 50 years I haven’t seen a drought and a flood like that in our region [referring to the 2009 extreme flood and 2010 extreme drought] – a borracha [rubber tree]had no latex to be extracted; the species don’t like too much water, but also cannot stand such heat.” (informant, 65 years old from Flona do Tapajós).
Other livelihood factors
Interviews mentioned many other ways in which ‘normal’ variability and extremes affect life.
Normal years: water levels and river transport affect the annual cycle of activities by which local Amazon communities access and maintain a minimal level of food security, market options, education, health and political voice (such as during electoral campaigns). In years with ‘normal’ water levels, for example, water for drinking and cooking comes from river and floodplain lakes; boat travel enables teachers and children to converge on community schools each day; diesel generators for electricity depend on fuel received by river via the government program “Luz para Todos”; and river transport is necessary for most remote communities to seek medical aid from larger settlements.
Abnormal years: during the extreme droughts of 2005 and 2010, access to schools was interrupted in Silves – the fragmentation of river channels made it impossible for teachers and children to reach the community schools. In 2010, the ferries connecting Silves municipality to the main road to Manaus stopped working for an extended period, leaving most of the villagers without fuel for light and energy and without a food supply. Generator failure meant that fish catches (including the extra catch in dry conditions) could not be stored, nor transported to market, and consequently spoiled.
Access to clean drinking water and consequences for disease were among the most severe problems caused by extreme drought (2005 and 2010) in these areas. Water for drinking and cooking obtained from rivers and floodplain lakes became inappropriate for human consumption, but, with no other options, there were severe health problems such as diarrhea and parasitic infections particularly among children and the elderly. Long walking distances during an extreme drought make it impossible to caboclos people to reach a hospital or health provider for medical assistance. For instance, in Silves municipality with 22 rural communities accounting for more than 4,500 people there are only 3 health agents; the most common reason for doctors’ visits in these remote regions is to register obituaries. Similar problems occurred with malaria outbreaks during extreme floods in 2009, with >34,000 cases registered in August in the Amazonia states compared to only 80 cases in Brazil’s southeastern states in the same period (SIVEP-MALARIA, 2009). Extreme floods also cause significant physical damage to houses and other infrastructure.
Assistance from Civil Defense may not reach communities in need, at least in part due to transport difficulties. Interviewees reported that State support via Civil Defense did not reach either Silves or Flona do Tapajós on time (or at all) during extreme droughts and floods, even though at the time of interviews the federal government had released $13.5 million for the Amazon State, where more than 62 thousand families were affected by the 2010 drought (GLOBOAMAZONIA, 2010, Marengo et al., 2013),
“We never heard of Civil Defense here. We listen to the radio to know what the river water level is in Manaus so we can anticipate when our river is going to start raising again- it take a few days to reach us here. During this extreme drought we have no clear water – it is just mud” (informant, 56 years old, Silves)
Some effective adaptations have occurred: for example, the Silves municipality has changed the school year calendar permanently so that during the annual dry season children and adults have already finished their school year, so that there will be fewer adverse effects on this aspect of life if a severe drought occurs again.