Smith 1

Stephanie Smith

Poverty Studies

Research Paper

5/4/09

The Causes of Poverty in Malawi

Malawi, a country located in southeast Africa and about the size of Pennsylvania, is currently home to a rapidly growing population of about 13.1 million people[1]. As one of the top ten poorest countries in the world, over 55% of the population live below the poverty line of $1 a day[2]. In 2005, over 60% of the population was registered as being under the age of 20[3], contributing to its booming population. Currently, the life expectancy is only 37 years of age[4]. Maternal mortality rates continue to increase, jumping from 620 in 1992 to 985 deaths per 100,000 live births today[5]. The under five mortality rate still remains high in comparison to other poorly developed countries, marking 133 deaths for every 1,000 live births in Malawi compared to 156 deaths out of 1,000 for other least developed nations[6]. Together, all of these statistics indicate an extremely vulnerable country being overcome by extreme poverty. What is causing these astonishing conditions? Why are the people of Malawi unable to make progress in fighting this extreme poverty? This paper investigates the causes of poverty in Malawi: specifically, how its government, the condition of its people, its poor natural resources, and its failing economy contribute to impoverished conditions, trapping the country in a cycle of poverty it cannot escape.

In order to understand the context of poverty in Malawi it is necessary to understand the history behind the country. Malawi’s history dates back to the late 1400’s, when Bantu-speaking natives established the Maravi Confederacy near Lake Nyasa (known today as Lake Malawi). This region remained under Maravi control until the arrival of slavery and Arab traders in the mid-nineteenth century. David Livingstone, a Scottish Presbyterian missionary, arrived at Lake Nyasa in 1858. After his arrival the Scottish church began establishing missions with the goal of ending slavery, Livingstone being a key player in this fight. In 1876 the city of Blantyre was established in the southern region as slavery-fighting headquarters and in 1878 the African Lakes Company was founded to help supply necessities to the missionaries in Malawi. In 1881 a British consul was appointed to help smooth disagreements between slave traders and missionaries. In 1893 the region was established as a British protectorate and was named Nyasaland in 1907. For several decades after its establishment Nyasaland struggled to survive economically. Consequently, in the early 1950’s it almost joined with Rhodesia (Zimbabwe) and Northern Rhodesia (Zambia) to form one nation. To preserve each country’s independence however, in 1953 an agreement, named the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland, was made in hopes of “deriv[ing] the greatest economic benefit from the larger unit while minimizing political tension between the three parts of the federation, each of which retains its existing local government”[7]. Nothing monumental arose from this Federation and by the early 1960’s African politicians began gaining more power within their local governments. In 1963 the Federation finally broke up after many protests from Rhodesia, Northern Rhodesia, and Nyasaland[8].

In 1958 Dr. Hastings Kamuzu Banda returned to Nyasaland from extended travel to Nashville, Tennessee, where he attended and graduated from Meharry Medical College, before practicing medicine in England and Ghana[9]. When he returned he became much more politically active, assuming the role of president of the Nyasaland African Congress (NAC), which later became the Malawi Congress Party (MCP). In 1963 Nyasaland was granted the self-governing status shortly before the Federation dissolved, and Banda became the prime minister. On July 6, 1964 Nyasaland became an independent nation and was renamed Malawi, while Banda still remained prime minister. Many of the reasons behind decisions Banda made during his rule were unidentifiable. For this reason Banda lost many of his cabinet members early on in his reign. His cabinet members were from “the younger, educated section of the community, and were suspicious of localized traditional authority, which had been supported by the colonialists”[10]. They were also more able to examine the past and see through Banda’s unfair decisions. Most of Banda’s support came from those with “no schooling beyond primary level, who were more likely to look uncritically at the past”[11]. Banda declared Malawi as a republic and himself as president in 1966, and then declared himself president for life in 1971[12]. Banda’s time in power as president for life has been viewed as extremely exploitive. Facing his critics, he even “admitted to being a dictator, but he saw this as not inconsistent with democratic values”[13]. He explained that since Malawi was “distinctive culturally” a different, more well suited form of “democracy” was necessary to cater to the Malawian people, and that it would not follow “Western models”[14]. He argued that although he was a dictator, that he “dictated by consent”, and that it was the “democratic will of the people to have a dictator”[15]. Banda justified his rule and the power he held by rooting it in tradition. He especially valued the “good village” concept. This concept explained that in a “good village” the “headman and elders were respected by all, and they too had regard for all; the young respect parents and no one tries to harm another”[16]. In the eyes of Banda, Malawi was his “good village” and he was the headman. His villagers “may not live up to [his] standards but must never rebel against them”. Banda was always quick to reprimand anyone whose views or opinions opposed his own.

Central to the causes and perpetuation of poverty in Malawi was its government. Malawi continued to run under Banda’s one-party dictatorship until the early 1990’s when “increasing domestic unrest and pressure from Malawian churches and from the international community led to a referendum in which the Malawian people were asked to vote for either a multi-party democracy or the continuation of a one-party state”[17]. On June 14, 1993 a vote was held to determine whether Malawi would continue to run under a one-party state or whether there would be a transition to a multi-party democracy. The Malawian population voted and a multi-party democracy became the unanimous victor. On May 17, 1994 the first democratic elections were held with Bakili Muluzi and Chakufwa Chihana running against former president-for-life Banda[18]. Bakili Muluzi, former cabinet member under Banda and president of the United Democratic Front, decisively won the election ending Banda’s thirty year reign shortly. Muluzi instituted a new democratic constitution in 1995 bringing great freedom to Malawi[19]. In an interview after his election when asked “what [did] he think [he had] achieved in [his] first 100 days in office”, Muluzi commented that “People [are] now able to smile and live without fear. The human liberty of a person is most important. This has been lacking for over 30 years”[20]. Muluzi sought to improve relations between Malawi and other foreign countries, especially Arab countries, which Banda had neglected. His main campaign though, which he struggled to accomplish, was to reduce food shortages and the number of people living in poverty, while eliminating governmental corruption. In 1999, Muluzi was reelected to a second five-year term. Muluzi’s second term was much more controversial than his first, as it included the famine of 2002. During the famine, which was rooted in the underproduction of maize in 2001 due to flooding, maize prices increased 340% almost overnight[21]. Estimates about the total number of deaths due to the famine tallied around 1,000-3,000 deaths[22]. There were also suspicions about corrupt governmental actions in selling all of the maize reserves and pocketing the money for personal gain, but there was no conclusive evidence to make any accusations[23]. Muluzi finished out his second term unable to make a last-ditch effort to extend his term by amending “the constitution to allow further terms”[24]. In 2002, Bingu Wa Mutharika defeated John Tembo and Gwanda Chakuamba and took office as second UDF president[25]. He immediately embarked on a mission to eliminate any remaining government corruption and to make government spending for efficient so that the government would run much more smoothly[26]. In 2005, Mutharika left the UDF party because of differing interests and founded the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP). The election of Mutharika and his first term marked a turning point in the country’s leadership, in that Mutharika so far has not been as corrupt a leader as was Banda and Muluzi. Malawi’s history of corrupt political leadership has helped to feed the growth of poverty in the country, and only time will tell whether Mutharika will be able to break free of this corruption or succumb to it himself. The next election to be held in Malawi is on May 19, 2009.

Crucial to understanding the causes of poverty in Malawi, is also understanding the condition of Malawi’s people, in particular the effects that lack of food and nutrition, the HIV/AIDS epidemic, and poor educational systems have had on their lives. The food supply in Malawi has always been problematic, as subsistence farming provides the country with its staple food maize. The maize that each family grows, on their own small plot of land, is the food that must feed them the entire year. It rarely does. Most years Malawi endures a “food shortage during the so-called hungry months, December and March, the single growing season”[27] where families are lucky if they eat one small meal a day. According to a report made in 2005 by the United Kingdom’s Department for International Development only 22.3% of the population is able to meet its basic food requirements[28]. As a result, malnutrition runs rampant through Malawi, having its greatest effects on the children. In 2007 a study found in comparison to normal children height-to-weight growth charts that 48% of children in Malawi under five years of age are “stunted (too short for their age)”, 22% are “severely stunted”, 5% are “wasted (too thin)”, and 22% are underweight[29]. Not only are the people of Malawi not receiving enough food on a daily basis but they also do not receive a wide variety of nutrients. Since the staple food, nsima, is made from maize the main nutrient the population receives is starch. Another common dish that accompanies nsima is relish, made up of a cooked wild type of cabbage. The cabbage must be cooked well in order to kill the bacteria living in the water in which the cabbage was washed. Unfortunately, though, the longer the cabbage is cooked the less nutrients that remain in it. Also, it is very rare for a family’s meal to consist of any type of protein, like chicken or beans, or any type of fruit. This leaves the people lacking in iron, vitamin A, and zinc[30]. Insufficient amounts of these important nutrients in children can lead to mental and cognitive disabilities. Children that do not develop properly “become adults with lower intellectual and physical abilities”[31]. In Malawi, without proper amounts of food and the essential nutrients “people may actually find it impossible to build the necessary human, physical and social capital (or assets) that would enable them to raise their welfare level on a sustainable basis” perpetuating the cycle of poverty[32].

Just as insufficient food conditions in Malawi have drastically affected the abilities of the people, the HIV/AIDS epidemic, which is spreading at alarming rates, has had catastrophic effects on the familial structure, and in particular the middle generation expected to provide for the family. Malawi’s first reported case of AIDS occurred in 1985[33]. Despite early attempts to prevent the spread of HIV/AIDS, progress while under President Banda’s rule proved to be very difficult. Banda considered discussing AIDS and HIV “taboo”, making it impossible to educate the public about the disease thereby helping to curb its spread. Between the years 1985 and 1993, during Banda’s rule, the percentage of women tested for HIV during prenatal doctor visits jumped from 2% to an alarming 30%[34]. After Muluzi took office and instituted many new policies attempting to reverse the damage Banda caused, the rate at which the disease is spreading seems to be stabilizing. Despite the apparent stabilization between 1998 and 2005 the number of newly infected people jumped from 52,643 to 96,552 respectively, making the making the war against this epidemic still very urgent[35]. In 2005 there was a 14% occurrence rate of HIV in adults between the ages of 15-49[36]. Today there are close to 1 million people living with AIDS and it is the leading cause of death in adults. One in every eight people dies every hour from the disease[37]. The epidemic is having catastrophic effects on the familial structure, causing a cultural restructuring of the family unit. Within the developmental stages of life, individuals are the most dependent during their early childhood years and towards the end of their lives as old age approaches. This poses an enormous problem, as the main group targeted by HIV/AIDS is the middle generation, adults between the ages of 15-49. This generation is relied on most to produce for the economy and provide for their families (especially the young and old)[38]. As this age group is wiped out by HIV/AIDS, there has been a shift from a typical nuclear family structure, one consisting of solely a mother, father, and children, to one that extends to include distant relatives and sometimes, unrelated friends, trying to care for orphans. In Malawi in 2007 there were about 560,000 children registered as being an orphan, losing one or both parents, due to the AIDS epidemic[39]. As parents are dying of AIDS leaving children orphaned, they are forced to find other places to live. They are often taken in by aunts and uncles or other distant relatives and incorporated into their families. However, when taken in by these families frequently they are treated harshly, due to the taboo of being an AIDS orphan (despite being family) and because they are an extra mouth to feed. The hierarchical structure that establishes who holds the most power and status, and therefore who runs the household, is also changing in Malawi. As the middle generation continues to die off, responsibility is falling back onto the elderly generation who are not fully capable to perform the necessary day-to-day tasks required to run a household. The elderly’s frail and deteriorating health makes farming, cleaning, cooking, and caring for children an almost impossible task[40]. Children also are forced to bear huge responsibilities. They often are the primary caregivers for parents when they are sick, and upon death, if there are no relatives available to take in the children, a child-headed household arises. Child-headed households are becoming increasingly more common. With the middle generation being eliminated so rapidly, it is extremely difficult to make any progress economically with the hope of escaping poverty.

Malawi also faces a crisis in its educational system. Due to a lack of qualified teachers, poor building conditions, and poor access, Malawi’s educational system is failing to meet the needs of Malawi’s children, and thereby helping them improve their own welfare situations. Prior to 1994, the educational system of Malawi was very neglected by the government. There were very few public government schools throughout the country, making education, especially for village children, impossible unless there was a mission school nearby. Enrollment of children ages 6-13 was 43% in 1980 and only 55% in1992[41]. In 1994, President Muluzi, upon his election to office, instituted Free Primary Education (FPE) for all Malawian children. With the creation of this new policy enrollment levels jumped from 1.3 million children in 1993 to over 3 million children in 2004, an increase of over 100% enrollment[42]. The majority of this increase in students was identified as female. It was no longer justified to only pay for boys to go to school since school was now free, so prejudices against girls attending school dramatically decreased. Today there are still over 3 million children enrolled in primary school with about an 80% enrollment rate[43]. Although the new policy seemed promising, it has brought many new problems to the educational system. Now, instead of an insufficient number of children being enrolled in school, there are too many and not enough resources to provide a quality education for all students. Since the induction of the FPE policy hundreds of new governmental schools were built but there are still not enough to accommodate all students currently enrolled. Today there are “5,307 primary schools in Malawi for 3 million children” which calculates to over 565 students on average per school[44]. Students on average must walk at least 2 kilometers to get to and from the closest school everyday[45]. Once the children arrive at school they are then faced with an inadequate supply of resources to properly house all of them. Most schools do not have enough classrooms for all of their students and numerous classes must be held outside under the shade of trees. Sitting outside however sometimes proves to be better than the conditions inside the buildings whose structures are deteriorating rapidly. Massive potholes or crumbling walls are not uncommon within classrooms, while children arrange themselves to avoid these obstacles. Classrooms also lack the materials needed to properly facilitate learning. It is not abnormal to walk into a classroom and find it completely empty, or just housing one small chalkboard, as “only 20% of pupils have access to desks and chairs”[46]. In the classrooms that do contain small desks, multiple students must squish to share working space. There are rarely ever textbooks for the students, and paper notebooks and pencils are passed around classrooms and shared by students. Within the primary school system only 26% of the students complete primary school[47] with half dropping out before their fifth year[48]. After graduating from primary school a select few, 40%, choose to continue their education in secondary school. Secondary school is not free so the majority of the students come from the wealthier backgrounds in Malawi[49]. Perhaps the biggest problem within the educational systems though, is the lack of qualified teachers. In primary schools the student teacher ratio is 84 to 1[50]. It is very difficult to attract new qualified teachers to rural villages where running water and electricity are not available. With such poor educational systems, Malawi’s people are left ill-equipped to provide for themselves and escape the cycle of poverty.