Report card: 1 April ~ 30 June 2002 1
New Page, Old Story
Report Card, Burma
1 April - 30 June 2002
ALTSEAN, Burma
Published September 2002
contents
2 New Page, Old Story
3 DEMOCRACY
The Talks, The “Big” Development, SPDC Word Games, Tripartite, Working for National Reconciliation, International Response, Sanctions, Razali, Political Prisoners, That’s All Folks
10 MILITARY THREAT
The ‘Coup Plot’ Trial, Power Struggle, Weapons, Restructuring
14 THAI-BURMA RELATIONS
Bordering on Disaster, Let the Games Begin, Thaksin Appeases, Drugs,
17 DRUGS
Production, Eradication & Prevention, A New Way to Play the Same Card, UNCDP, Regional Problem, US Position Shift,
22 ETHNIC RELATIONS
Shan, Kachin, Karen, Rakhine & Rohingya, Chin, Mon
25 RELIGIOUS PERSECUTION
26 HUMAN RIGHTS
Extortion, Forced Labour, Political Freedoms, Death Sentences, Arbitrary Arrests, Forced Relocation, Village Destruction, UNCHR, ILO, International Actions, Legalizing Abuse of Power
30 WOMEN
License to Rape, Trafficking,
32 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
Asean, EU, US, DCI Associates, China, India, Japan, Russia, Vietnam, Bangladesh, East Timor, Australia
37 ECONOMy
The Crisis, The Kyat, Gold Rush, 2001-2002 Fiscal Year, Jan-Feb 2002, Investment, Pressure & Divestment, Import/Export Bans, Watchdog, Expensive Lobbyist
42 Aid Update
International Crisis Group, The Money Move, Sanctions Remain but HIV/AIDS Planned
45 DISPLACEMENT
Repatriation & Deportation, Migrant Workers, Refugees, IDPs
48 EDUCATION
49 CHRONOLOGY: 1 April ~ 30 June 2002
60 APPENDIX i: AN INTERVIEW WITH DAW AUNG SAN SUU KYI
64 APPENDIX II: Executive Summary: We are Not Free to Work for Ourselves
contents
2 New Page, Old Story
3 DEMOCRACY
The Talks, The “Big” Development, SPDC Word Games, Tripartite, Working for National Reconciliation, International Response, Sanctions, Razali, Political Prisoners, That’s All Folks
10 MILITARY THREAT
The ‘Coup Plot’ Trial, Power Struggle, Weapons, Restructuring
14 THAI-BURMA RELATIONS
Bordering on Disaster, Let the Games Begin, Thaksin Appeases, Drugs,
17 DRUGS
Production, Eradication & Prevention, A New Way to Play the Same Card, UNCDP, Regional Problem, US Position Shift,
22 ETHNIC RELATIONS
Shan, Kachin, Karen, Rakhine & Rohingya, Chin, Mon
25 RELIGIOUS PERSECUTION
26 HUMAN RIGHTS
Extortion, Forced Labour, Political Freedoms, Death Sentences, Arbitrary Arrests, Forced Relocation, Village Destruction, UNCHR, ILO, International Actions, Legalizing Abuse of Power
30 WOMEN
License to Rape, Trafficking,
32 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
Asean, EU, US, DCI Associates, China, India, Japan, Russia, Vietnam, Bangladesh, East Timor, Australia
37 ECONOMy
The Crisis, The Kyat, Gold Rush, 2001-2002 Fiscal Year, Jan-Feb 2002, Investment, Pressure & Divestment, Import/Export Bans, Watchdog, Expensive Lobbyist
42 Aid Update
International Crisis Group, The Money Move, Sanctions Remain but HIV/AIDS Planned
45 DISPLACEMENT
Repatriation & Deportation, Migrant Workers, Refugees, IDPs
48 EDUCATION
49 CHRONOLOGY: 1 April ~ 30 June 2002
60 APPENDIX i: AN INTERVIEW WITH DAW AUNG SAN SUU KYI
64 APPENDIX II: Executive Summary: We are Not Free to Work for Ourselves
New Page, Old Story
______
On May 6, the SPDC enjoyed tremendous fanfare when Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was released from 19 months of house arrest. The SPDC Col Hla Min said Burma had turned “a new page for the people of Myanmar and the international community.” However, it seems the page is blank because since May 6, the SPDC has not taken any action towards reconciliation. Perhaps they don’t know what they should do.
Or perhaps the SPDC is just too busy. The SPDC appears to be courting the international community on a fundraising mission and even hired DCI Associates, an expensive US lobbying firm. Although the SPDC cries poor, they “found” enough money to sign several expensive contracts for Orwellian communication services. The generals also put a lot of effort into maintaining a conflict with Thailand: closing the border, staging rallies, writing insulting statements, not to mention deepening the crisis in the economy. Of course, they also continued to drag out the trials for the alleged coup plot. With so many duplicitous initiatives to implement, perhaps they simply ran out of energy.
Or maybe they are not actually interested in democratization and reconciliation. Since May 6, no talks have taken place between Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the SPDC. Human rights violations continue unabated, especially in ethnic nationality areas. There are still over 1,500 political prisoners imprisoned, including some who have completed their sentences. While Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has been able to travel, there have been conditions and a backlash against some people who associate with her. The international community and democratic opposition have seen through the SPDC’s facade and media manipulations.
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has demonstrated that she is committed to reconciliation, democratization and negotiation, but negotiation requires at least two players. The SPDC’s “new page” is a tissue of deceit and manipulations. In 2 years since the “talks” began, nothing has changed.
How long will the waiting game continue?
DEMOCRACY
______
R Improving * Stagnant * Deteriorating
The Talks
After postponements imposed by the regime, UN Special Envoy on Myanmar Razali Ismail’s finally made his seventh visit to Burma on April 23-26.[1] Patience was running thin as the UN, US and EU all indicated they might consider reassessing their approach in dealing with Burma, possibly creating more restrictions, if Razali’s visit did not bear any fruit. An op-ed by Human Rights Watch said, “Razali’s trip needs to bring progress to keep legitimacy of the talks.”[2] Similar opinions resonated throughout the opposition movement, “We told him that if the dialogue fails, public confidence will deteriorate and we fear undesirable consequences if the people are faced with economic hardships,” said U Khun HTun Oo Chairman of Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD).[3] Not only could pressure increase on the SPDC, but it appeared the credibility of Razali and the UN were on the line.
Known meetings during Razali’s visit
23 April Representatives of Mon, Zomi, Karen and Arakanese political parties, Kachin Independence Organization, Kachin Baptist Council[4]
24 April Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, Secretary-1 Lt Gen Khin Nyunt, SNLD, Shan State Army, Shan State North Army and employees of some Rangoon-based international economic enterprises.[5]
25 April NLD Central Executive Committee members at Headquarters in Rangoon, a meeting with Sr-Gen Than Shwe (expected)[6]
26 April Sr-Gen Than Shwe, Gen Maung Aye and Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt[7], a meeting with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi (expected)
Razali essentially avoided the media except to say that he was “hopeful there should be progress, but I can’t promise when it will be.” SPDC Labor Minister, U Tin Win said there would be “significant progress.”[8] Rumors spread like wildfire hypothesizing Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s release, a mass release of political prisoners, a committee partnership between the democracy leader and the SPDC, announcing results of some substantial dialogue from “the talks” but above all, tensions ran high about what Southeast Asia’s most famous captive would say upon release. Although hopeful for some development, many remembered her release in 1995 did not herald any political change. However, grasping for what they could, the opposition movement and international community paused and waited and waited….
The “Big Development”
In a rare move, the SPDC granted foreign journalists visas and permission to wait outside the gates of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s house. It was clear that she would be released, but the days dragged on until Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was finally released on May 6 from over nineteen months of house arrest.
In an agreement not to hold rallies, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi gave a press conference at the National League for Democracy (NLD) Headquarters in the afternoon. Being typically humble she said, “Many of people have suffered more than I have, much more. I don't have the right to complain.”[9] She addressed the status of the talks declaring “the phase of confidence building is over,” but warned the NLD’s position had not changed on sanctions or aid.[10] However, she maintained the NLD has “always been flexible,” and said “ We want to negotiate an agreement for the betterment of the people of Burma.”[11]
In line with her cautious optimism, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s view of the SPDC was “I think you can say there is a change in their attitude; otherwise we wouldn’t be where we are. And as to the matter of sincerity, this is for time to give the answer.”[12] While she may have agreed to “tone down” the fan fare, she showed she will not bow down to the generals when she criticized them saying, “I don’t see any reason why we should talk of a “disciplined” democracy.”[13] Daw Aung San Suu Kyi reassured people of her commitment when she said, “The NLD as well as myself vow to work to the best of our abilities to achieve democracy as quickly as possible, and we would like to request that the people help and support us,”[14]
SPDC Word Games
It was evident Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s release was for consumption of the international community as the state-run papers devoted the front page to visiting Vietnamese President and blacked out the Nobel Laureate’s release. Col Hla Min said, “She can travel. We will sort of cooperate because she is a prominent person,” seeming as though it was the pressure and not SPDC’s desire to abide by the rule of law that secured this “development.”[15]
In the SPDC’s statement released to the international community, there was no mention of national reconciliation, but rather for “greater international stability” and “improving the social welfare of our diverse people,” apparently hints for increased aid and trade. It could also be inferred they are still not willing to tolerate political dissent as they said, “We shall recommit ourselves to allowing all of our citizens to participate freely in the life of our political process, while giving priority to national unity, peace and stability of the country as well as the region.”[16] In an obvious ploy aimed at the international community, they vowed to “continue to work together…in the fight against terrorism and the total eradication of narcotic drugs…and we will also work together with the international community in the fight against the spread of HIV/AIDS.”[17]
Tripartite
After her release, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi acknowledged ethnic nationality groups and their patience saying, “We believe the ethnic nationalities know we are sincere towards them, and we are very thankful to them for their trust in us and the support they give us.”[18] SNLD Chairman Khun Htun Oo, quoted her as saying, “Dialogue continues for now between the NLD and the [junta], but that it would expand in the future to include ethnic minority groups…and now the role of ethnic minority groups in Burma has broadened.”[19]
Many ethnic nationalities leaders are concerned the SPDC will be rewarded prematurely when conditions in the ethnic nationality areas have largely not changed at all. The Karen National Union (KNU) called on the international community to institute a “benchmark policy” to ensure true reconciliation, unity and peace.[20] Some ethnic nationality groups are creating alliances between themselves and in a statement from the SNLD, representing Shan, Mon, Zomi, Karen and Arakanese, they said, “In this period of the dawning of a new day, we, the political parties of the national groups, declare that we will take on any responsibilities assigned to us towards establishing national reconciliation which is inevitably needed.”[21]
Working for National Reconciliation
After her release, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi had jam-packed days of meetings with diplomats, diverse political parties, ethnic nationality organizations, INGO’s and inspecting humanitarian projects while working at the NLD headquarters in Rangoon.[22] She released statements to the public, but refrained from giving political addresses to crowds.
Her statements to the public were often about embracing their civic duties, “Don't support me without knowing what we are doing. I don’t really appreciate the kind of members who are active only when times are good.”[23] She also said, “The NLD cannot do much for the people at this time….it is up to the people themselves to also help” reminding people that democracy alone “cannot solve all the country’s woes.”[24] Daw Aung San Suu Kyi focused on encouraging and organizing the youth population as she said, “this is our future” and urging older politicians to nurture new ones.”[25] To pro-democracy organizations inside and outside of Burma, she says “I want to see unity.”[26] Commemorating the 12-year anniversary of the elections, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi called for the recognition of the 1990 polls and promised she would “never make any secret deals, which is undemocratic.” Ambassadors from Britain, France, Italy, Germany, U.S., South Korea, Japan and Australia attended the ceremony.[27]
Testing the waters: Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s Initial Travels
17 May NLD office in Rangoon’s northern suburb of Shwepyitha
14 June Buddhist shrine at Thamanya Mountain, Karen State. To meet with U Viniya monk.[28]
23 June Trip to Mandalay for about 10 days, passed through several towns along the way.[29]
While her travel was not blocked, there were the inevitable SPDC unofficial barriers. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was trailed by plain clothes Military Intelligence (MI’s) and conditions continue to be imposed upon her. It remains illegal to place phone calls to opposition leaders in exile and journalists wishing to interview her have been refused visas. “Frankly speaking, we can’t find any proof yet that the military is willing to make democratic concessions,” commented Dr. Sann Aung, a minister in the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma in Thailand.[30]
International Response
Following Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s lead, “cautious optimism” seemed to be the trend with Australia, the EU and US who welcomed her release and encouraged further, concrete steps towards achieving national reconciliation.[31] However, some were anxious to declare instant victory. The Russian Foreign Ministry said they hope the SPDC “will be duly appraised by the international community which would promote Myanmar’s advance along the road of democratic transformations.”[32] One Asian diplomat declared it as, “A major step forward, both symbolically and substantively.”[33] Malaysia, Thailand and ASEAN were all quick to stake their claim as being partial facilitators in Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s release.[34] The World Bank, in line with many in the business community, said her release “signals [the] start of a process that would allow Myanmar to re-enter the international community.”[35] Razali, who often says other countries shouldn’t pressure the junta, called on the U.N. to “make the military beholden to those commitments.”[36]