Civic Education beyond Curriculum:
A Study of the Junior Police Call of the Royal Hong Kong Police
Paper submitted and presented at the
AAPS Annual Conference 2014
Tokyo
Japan
Kin-man WAN
Institute of Sociology
National Tsing Hua University
10 October 2014
Working draft, please do not quote unless getting author’s permission
Introduction
In 2012, the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) government proposed to gradually launched a newly designed, compulsory and independent subject in all government and aided secondary schools called “Moral and National Education”, with the explicit objective to promote national identity. However, the attempt was deeply suspected as a hardcore means to ‘brainwash’ the school children and ‘beautify’ the role of Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in the development of China. Followed by the large-scaled marathon styled rallies with the participants across the community, government announced to temporarily abandon the original plan. After the saga, there have been lots of analyses that Hong Kong communities are very resistant to the hardcore indoctrination of ‘national and moral values’ in schools, due to a number of factors.
There are two dimensions could be found when reviewing the controversies on National and Moral Education. First, flooding of information in the information era had broadened the ways for citizens to receive knowledge. They learn and know their civic rights, so they are more emphasizing on civil rights and freedom than before. Second, the regime was forced to accept the changing era, however, she also expected the state or city is under controlled. Under such intense divergence, the youth and education sector then becomes the battle field between the two. As a result, it is not difficult to understand that civic education is an integral part of primary and secondary school curriculum but the way of its delivery to the student exhibit sharp variation in the education systems with different underlying regime values. Some authorities highlight the concepts associated with ‘nation and state’ into the regular curriculum and the official discourses on their interpretations were indoctrinated to students through independent, publicly-examined subject. In some contexts, authorities have taken a more indirect approach to deliver their messages to school children. Through the school extra-curricular activities which are coordinated by the government, students voluntarily enrolled to such programs are exposed to the propaganda of the government and gradually nurtured to a faithful believer of the official discourses. It is quite common to witness the interchangeable use of both ‘hard’ (in regular curriculum) and ‘soft’ (extra-curricular activities) in different contexts. When this underlying regime values and thoughts become internalized through the process of political socialization in school, it is a better and a more effective tool to achieve “social control” comparing with the hard strategy.
In1970s and 1980s Hong Kong was usually named as the “MacLehose era” and regarded as the “Golden era”. The large scale social reform and an open-minded image are promoted by the colonial government. The public is allowed to participate in public affairs in some extent. However, when reviewing the development of the civic education in Hong Kong, it is a totally de-politicization curriculum which is difficult to link up with the solidarity of the society. It is questionable on how it could be done. This presentation tries to discover a soft means and also the intention which has been neglected.
Junior Police Call (JPC), under the control of Police Public Relation Branch of Police force, is established in 1973, the year of many new social reform policies launched. The target groups is the youth, that’s mean it is mainly aim on the new generation. Although JPC is not a regular civic education school curriculum but serve as an important education role in the youth activities in the past. In further, it is highly discussed by the educational sector and regarded it as a contribution to the society. Undoubtedly, the police played a very important role of the success. The presenter unravels the context and patterns of JPC, which is regarded as a civic education beyond the curriculum by focusing on the process of socialization, and characterized it as the means of social control. In further, the presenter would try to answer the question how the colonial regime promoted the soft strategy to conduct and organize the extracurricular activities for the youth beyond the regular curriculum, in order to promote social control invisibly and interpret civil rights.
Really is an Open-Minded Government?
The foundation of “Golden era” or the rise of cohesion in 1970s and 1980s has been debated and firmly discuss among scholars, but it has various discourses and a conclusive answer has yet to be determined.
Some scholars attributed to the notion of “exceptionalism” defining the foundation of “Golden era” are unanticipated and it is an exception in the Asia region and even the world. They argue that it is no absolute formula could explain the rise, and that is as a fortunate circumstance provided by the Mainland China reform because of the ideal geographic location, it boost the economic development of Hong Kong rapidly.
Meanwhile, many academic analyses focus on the economic factors and also some fortune required in the development of Hong Kong. Scott (1997) advocated thatit is mainly because of the economic success, the GDP of Hong Kong increased 9% during 1972 to 1982; it stimulated the domestic demand and export during this period. The success of economic growth provided a good condition to promote tax reduction policy and large scale of social reform. This means the motivation of social reforms acceleration is just a homeopathic policy reform, but not to improve the state- society relationship. Through those social reforms, more public goods and services are provided, the living standard would be improved, and it is unexpected to create a result of the rise of cohesion. Scott (1997) also alerts us “The more successful the economy, the less economic elites could criticize or seek to determine the actions of the bureaucracy.” In further, Scott (1997) believed the vision and personality is another important element of acceleration in reforms. Chow (1998) also mentioned the logic of “compensation” to explain the Hong Kong identity in colonial period. To further explain the logic of “compensation” is colony lost the political rights, but get the better economic status and decent homes, it help Hong Kong to build up the solidarity.
In addition to the notion of “exceptionalism” and rapid economic growth, some academics would argue the above discourses are underestimating and misjudging the role of colonial government and is ignoring the hidden intention and coloniality of the colonial government governance (Yep; Lui, 2010; Lu, 2012). Yep (2013) argued that the former colonial governor Black and Trench already realized the need of reform. Disturbances and riots in 1966 and 1967 were critical events that facilitated the government’s response to a rapid changing social environment. Yep and Lu (2012) further recognized that the first major attempt to review various state provisions for social services was carried out before 1967. After reviewing the policy, the planning, and systematical administered reform initiatives also had begun before1967. That means the colonial government consciously promoted the large scale reform, but not the “exception” and luck. Meanwhile, Lu (2012) has a further analysis of the intention of colonial government. Sir MacLehose mentioned that it must “to put its house in order” in order to delay the Sino-British negotiations in 1972 Annual Report. In order words, Hong Kong must develop a prosperous, united city and satisfy the public, so the government can avoid critics. FCO archives “Hong Kong Objectives” also recorded the consideration of Sir MacLehose. He wants to create a context that the Communist Party in Mainland China could gain larger than the loss on political aspect, in order to keep the Hong Kong status remain unchanged (Lu, 2012). With this concept, both policy aim at strengthening the confidence in the colony, providing money-making opportunities, increasing working incentives and improving the living standard (Lu, 2012). Therefore, most of the discourse is based on the consolidation of the “four pillars”, namely public housing, education, medical and health services, and social welfare (Yep; Lui, 2010). In this context, it is undoubtedly that both policies are deliberate and intentional to transfer a message that “the uncertain environment cause by the influx of refugees in 1950s and 1960s is gone, Hong Kong is their home, and the government is belonging to them” (Lu, 2012).
However, it might not be well explained why the solidarity would formed at that time and further affect to the next generation. Did the colonial government really open-minded and tried to relieve the social control, in order to give more civil liberties to the citizens? I would try to explain the soft strategy implemented by the colonial government through discuss the biggest youth organization- JPC to answer the above question.
Research Methods
This is a qualitative study based on literature review and interview. The major documentary source comes from newspaper in the 1970s and 1980s, archives and publications of police force; while the main targets of interviews are the scholars who were JPC member in the past, person in charge of JPC, and specially the teacher in charge of JPC at school in 1970s and 1980s.
Textual Research
The researcher will make use of the documentary sources come from major newspaper in 1970s and 1980s, archives of Colonial Government, Legislative Council minutes, and publications provided by Police Force such as “JPC Monthly Newsletter” and “OFFBEAT”. Those documentary sources can be viewed in The University of Hong Kong Library and Legislative Council.
In the process of library research, the research will focus on the data-mining work of the JPC establishment paper and Legislative Council minutes, to review the purpose and expected outcomes of JPC. The researcher will also review the publications publish by Police Force such as “JPC Monthly Newsletter”, “OFFBEAT” and newspaper to revisit the actual practice of JPC, echo from the public, and how JPC act as a political and education means to response public, and form an interaction platform between the youth and regime. The newspapers and other documentary sources mentioned above would facilitate deeper understanding on the soft strategy of Colonial Government and the context of the local society in 1970s and 1980s, also how it well developed. The resource is expected to be an important component to supplement the deficiencies during interview section.
Oral Interview
This research will use the oral interview method to record the presentation from the teacher in charge of JPC interviewees and JPC officer for further analysis. The adoption of qualitative means to study enables the researcher to interpret the JPC as civic education beyond non- regular school curriculum from a multi- perspective. In the process of the interview, the degree of involvement between researchers and subjects is comparatively high. Thus, the results in the research would be more detailed and the researcher could have a deeper understanding of the complexities of this topics.
The Subjects
To tap the practice and the influence of JPC at school, the researcher approach 3 teachers in charge of JPC work at school. They are the key stakeholders in sharing the experiences in the practice and evaluating the effect of JPC. The considerations of the teachers by the time are in charge of JPC, their attitudes towards JPC and the details of actual operation work are the key elements in exploring the perspective and evaluation of the impact of JPC from the educational sector. Also, it may know more about how the JPC officer to communicate with the teachers, and what the teachers thinks about JPC is always important. The time of JPC formed in the school is also as the following concern.
The JPC members in 1970s and 1980s (former members), especially the scholars are another target groups. They could provide details on first-hand experience, direct personal feeling of joining JPC, and the context and reflection on the effectiveness of JPC. It can further help us to know more about the reason of their participation and the whole process of the JPC work in the school context. Thus, the researcher will also approach 2 members to collect the first-hand experiences.
Meanwhile, the researcher interview 3 JPC officers to evaluate the purpose and nature of JPC under the official interpretations, in order to have a comparatively objective analysis. It could compare with the details given by teachers, providing a full picture of JPC. It may also know more about the understanding of JPC beyond the government interpretations in the practical context.
Adopting the Qualitative Approach
It is reasonable to argue that using the quantitative method in this study would be better as it could get rid of personal prejudice and subjective interpretation in exploring the impact of JPC. However, it may ignore the fact that the social reality is a construction of human meanings, intentions and actions, and there should not have an absolutely objective means to interpret them. The strength of adopting the oral interview for the study but not by means of setting and filling the quantitative questionnaires, is that the former could truly and accurately captures the actual context of the work of JPC and also the personal feelings of the members in details. The reporting of results in qualitative research would be comparatively rich and detailed. To enhance the effectiveness of qualitative study, the researcher will try to construct some analytical instruments by developing some measurable indictors to contextualize the subjective observation, in order to avoid personal prejudice towards the interviewees.