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Military Resistance 11H13

[Thanks to David McReynolds for posting.]

AFGHANISTAN WAR REPORTS

Fort Eustis Soldier Is Laid To Rest

August 08, 2013by Hugh Lessig, Daily Press

YORK — Caryn Reynal Nouv didn't always have it easy, but she was remembered Thursday as someone who overcame challenges, sought direction in military service and died doing a job she loved.

Like thousands of young men and women, Nouv sought purpose and stability in her life through the Army. She landed at Fort Eustis in Newport News, near where she was raised by loving adoptive parents.

Deployed to Afghanistan with the 359th Transportation Company, Nouv seemed to be finding her way when her life was tragically cut short. Nouv was killed July 27 when her vehicle was attacked by an improvised explosive device and small arms fire in Ghanzi province. Another Fort Eustis soldier, Sgt. Eric T. Lawson of Stockbridge, Ga., was also killed.

Nouv, a specialist who was posthumously promoted to sergeant, leaves behind a husband and two children, a 10-year-old daughter and a 9-year-old son. Nouv would have celebrated her 30th birthday on Friday.

Hundreds of friends and family gathered Thursday at Bethel Baptist Church in York County to remember Nouv not only as a good soldier, but as someone who worked to overcome the hurdles put in her path.

Nouv came from a broken home and was initially placed in foster care. Then she came to the Rev. John Ward, pastor of a church in Greenville, in western Virginia. Nouv was a toddler when she showed up at the Ward home, and he became emotional as he recalled that moment.

"There on my front porch, I first saw Caryn," he said. "She stood there with a social worker and she had a small paper grocery bag in her hand with all of her worldly possessions. The last time I saw Caryn was last night. She was decorated with medals, surrounded by a loving but grieving family ... a far cry from the little girl who stood on our front porch with a grocery bag."

After a couple of years, Caryn moved from the Ward home in Greenville to the home of Richard and Judy Reynal in Yorktown, who became her adoptive parents.

Then another pastor came into her life. The Rev. James White of First Baptist in Newport News remembered her as "a beautiful little 5- or 6-year-old with curly blonde tresses and a smile that made you want to hug her."

But because she came from a broken home, "she was wounded long before she began serving in Afghanistan," White said.

And Caryn also trusted in the church early in life, and "nothing would ever change the love the parents had for their daughter, not the commitment they had to her," White said.

Referring to what he said was a "wild streak," he prompted a smattering of laughter in the church when he said, "Caryn brought joy and vitality — much vitality — into their home."

The deaths of Nouv and Lawson were part of a heartbreaking stretch for the 359th, which deployed to Afghanistan in January.

The company, which has taken on the hazardous job of providing security for convoys, has lost three soldiers in 40 days.

Sgt. Justin R. Johnson was killed June 18 by indirect fire at Bagram Air Base, then came the deaths of Nouv and Lawson on July 27. Prior to this, the last combat-related deaths of Fort Eustis-based soldiers were in 2008 in Iraq.

Doug Echols, senior pastor at Bethel Baptist, called on the mourners to not let Caryn's death be in vain, but to cherish the freedom for which she fought. "Every time you hear the national anthem being played at a football game or baseball game, stand there, stare at that flag and remember Caryn," he said.

White said there were "positive signs" that military service was helping her find direction. She would have come home with the 359th this fall.

"Now, with wounds healed and her spirit settled," White said, "she has found that for which her soul longed all along, in the safety and security of her savior's embrace."

POLITICIANS REFUSE TO HALT THE BLOODSHED

THE TROOPS HAVE THE POWER TO STOP THE WAR

Resistance Action

13 August 2013TOLOnews.

Local officials of Jawzjan province confirmed that a tribal elder named Sayed Azizullah was shot dead by a group of unidentified gunmen on Tuesday.

Officials were not sure of the motive behind the attack, but they suspect it was related to Mr. Azizullah's cooperation with local Afghan security forces in the area.

The incident took place in the Darz Aab district of the province while Mr. Azizullah was on his way home.

Reportedly, the tribal elder was working with security forces to prevent the Taliban from gaining control in several parts of the province. However, no one, including the Taliban, has yet claimed responsibility for the attack.

MILITARY NEWS

3-Star Improperly Accepted Expensive Gifts In South Korea:

“Gold-Plated Montblanc Pens, A $2,000 Leather Briefcase And Other Gifts”

“Fil Jr. Also Failed To Report A $3,000 Cash Gift To A Member Of His Family From The Unnamed South Korean Benefactor”

Former Lt. Gen. Joseph F. Fil Jr., left, reportedly accepted gifts from a South Korean citizen while commanding U.S. troops in that country, according to the Washington Post. (Sgt. Song Chang-do/Army)

Aug. 8, 2013 Army Times

A former general who served as the commander of the Eighth Army in South Korea, reportedly accepted gold-plated Montblanc pens, a $2,000 leather briefcase and other gifts from a South Korean citizen while commanding U.S. troops in that country, according to the Washington Post.

Former Lt. Gen. Joseph F. Fil Jr. also failed to report a $3,000 cash gift to a member of his family from the unnamed South Korean benefactor, the newspaper reported, citing a confidential investigative report by the Pentagon’s Office of the Inspector General.

Reportedly, the investigation began in 2011, and Fil retired in August 2012 as a major general, one rank below his position as a three-star commander in South Korea.

Fil was announced to become the Army’s inspector general in 2010, but he never took the job.

An Army spokesman said Army Secretary John McHugh approved the decision to have Fil retire as a two-star general “after weighing the substantiated allegations of misconduct ... against an otherwise long and distinguished career,” according to the Washington Post.

The Army took no other disciplinary measures against Fil, Army officials said.

In a brief phone interview with the Washington Post, Fil declined to answer questions.

Fil reportedly told investigators that he accepted the gifts in “good conscience.”

He believed the gifts were legal because they were given by a longtime personal friend.

Investigators noted that the South Korean did not speak English and that Fil had to communicate with him by “using hand and arm signals.”

The report states that Fil surrendered the gifts to investigators and repaid the $3,000 to the South Korean.

Portrait Of The Birth And Development Of The Syrian Armed Resistance:

Through The Eyes And Experiences Of Abu Qusay, Free Syrian Army;

“We Had No Other Choice Than To Do This”

“This Is A War That Was Imposed On Us And We Have To Finish What We Started”

“We want a nation without bribery; we want freedom of expression, and real elections for every political position, from the presidency of the country to the presidency of the municipalities.

“We want an army whose officers aren’t corrupt, and don’t steal or smuggle our country’s oil abroad and mess up our national budget and economy.”

1 August 2013 Yassin al-Haj Saleh interviews Abu Qusay; therepublicgs.net. Translated by Firas Massouh.

Abu Qusay used to work as a tailor and a carpenter in his hometown of al-Ghizlaniya before the start of the revolution.

When the tailoring business was slow, the heavy-set, burly 33-year-old would occupy himself with carpentry, and vice versa. Abu Qusay earned between 15,000 and 20,000 Syrian pounds on average per month. This was his family’s only source of income and it was barely enough money for a family with 4 young children, but as Abu Qusay would say “God will provide”.

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When the revolution erupted in Tunisia, I was hoping it would come here.

We want to change the government, the regime, and everything that we have to put up with for the better.

The state is corrupt and so are its components; its employees, its officers, and its judges.

Bashar sits on top of the pyramid of authority and therefore holds full responsibility for the situation and for his regime’s transgressions.

I had a dream once – before the revolution – that I was in Damascus, chanting against the regime.

Then, when the revolution started here, I actually took part in the first demonstration to come out from the Umayyad Mosque. We chanted “Freedom! Freedom!”, but we failed. They beat us with their batons and they made us bleed.

We demonstrated again a week later.

This time the demonstration was big; there was about 800 or a thousand of us. State-security officers were scattered in small groups, so they were unable to break up our protest. We reached as far as Marjeh Square.

There was a young protestor among us who held up a Qur’an with one hand, and a cross with the other. We then chanted “Freedom! Freedom! Muslims and Christians”.

After that we started to take part in the demonstrations in Douma. We were a group of young men who came from the neighbouring areas; al-Ghizlaniya, Zamalka, and Ghouta.

None of us had ever been politically active before. We reprimanded those in the demonstrations who threw a rock or carried a knife, and we warned them that this is exactly what the regime wants us to do!

We tried again to organise demonstrations in Damascus. We focused on the suburb of al-Midan. We congregated daily in the suburb’s mosques and started our demonstrations from there; there was al-Hasan mosque, al-Mansour mosque, al-Majed mosque, al-Daqqaq mosque… We came out of the mosques because it was difficult to assemble in the streets, and so this became the norm.

Following Ramadan and the massive protests in Hama (the regime had killed many people by then), we established the “Abu Ubaidah ibn al-Jarrah Battalion” in total secrecy.

The members of this battalion came from all over the Ghouta agricultural belt; Douma, Saqba, Jisrin, Hammurya, Rankus, al-Ghizlaniya… The battalion’s leader was Abu Muhammad, a Kurd and a retired colonel from Rukn al-Din.

Our missions were quite light-weight. Fundamentally, our role was to protect demonstrators. We know that people would come out in bigger numbers if they knew that they were protected. We used to maintain our distance from the demonstrations, and would only strike the state-security forces if they tried to attack the demonstrators.

In November 2011, on the first day of Eid al-Adha, we attacked a border-security battalion in Rankus and secured a decent amount of materiel; rocket launchers, carbines, assault rifles, ammunition… we then returned to Douma and carried out an attack on a Shabiha headquarters. We did the same in Saqba and Hammurya.

At this point, our battalion grew and there was more than 200 of us, so Abu Khalid al-Ghizlany and I decided to form an independent company in Deir al-‘Asafir.

We separated from our original battalion, but only to relieve them administratively. There was no conflict between us, on the contrary, we are still in co-operation; it was just that we needed to expand.

We began to strike state-security convoys and police stations, and kidnapped security officers on the airport road. We also targeted regime battalions and checkpoints; for example, we struck the checkpoint in Jisrin on a number of occasions. We would hit-and-run; resist for a short while but then retreat.

Back then, we had no anti-tank missiles or enough ammunition, and were unable to seize control of territory.

We received financial aid from Syrians living in Syria and spent this on guns.

We struck ‘Ain al-Tineh Battalion in Deir al-‘Asafir and were able to seize hand grenades and an anti-aircraft cannon. We also attacked a battalion in Nawla and seized its weapons.

We had no other choice than to do this.

We did not expect that any of this would happen.

However, this is a war that was imposed on us and we have to finish what we started.

What concerns us today is to end the conflict and minimise loss of human life and historic buildings. After all, this is our country. Oh how I wish we could end all of this today!

But we do not trust the regime; neither its proposals nor its promises, and we will never accept them.

We established the “Battalions of the Mothers of Believers” in the Spring of 2012, a company that protects Mlaiha, Deir al-‘Asafir, Hteitet al-Turkman, Shab’a, and al-Ghizlaniya.

There was about 300 of us, most in their 20s and 30s but we had a few men younger than 20.

Amongst us there were some defected privates, but no officers.

No defected officers joined us; they either went back to their hometowns, or left the country to Jordan or Turkey. They fear for their lives and think that the regime will survive and chase after them.

4 or 5 months later, we established the “Brigade of the Mothers of Believers”, in which I lead a battalion. Honestly, we gave the brigade this name in order to secure financial support from donors. Our financiers want to see results. Most of the financial aid that the rebels receive comes from Syrians.

As for our brigade, we only accept financial support from Syrians, and I stand by what I say.

Today, the brigade is under the command of First Lieutenant Abu Uday, a Homsi who defected from the checkpoint in Hammurya.

When we participated in the battle of al-Midan, I had 150 fighters under my command. Back then, the Ghouta was surrounded, while Douma was totally occupied by regime forces.

We decided to go to Damascus and chose al-Midan as our point of departure, since we have a popular support base there. 200 fighters from the “Battalions of the Martyrs of Douma” provided assistance.

Further support from Ghouta and from other governorates was expected, but that did not happen. We were able to arrest many mukhabarat agents and soldiers, and seize some armoured cars and Dushka heavy machine guns, but the regime razed al-Midan to the ground and over our heads. We did not receive any assistance so we decided to retreat on the fifth day.

I recall asking a local there about the way out, to which he responded: “Unless the earth cracks open and swallows you, there is no way out of here.” We managed to escape by breaking through adjacent walls from house to house. We left al-Midan only with our injured soldiers and light weapons.

We continued to carry out operations in Yalda, al-Hajar al-Aswad, Yarmouk Camp, Babbila, Beit Sahm, and ‘Aqraba. During our time in al-Midan, the fighters in these localities were able to liberate them.

We also tried to carry out operations in al-‘Amara neighbourhood in Damascus.

There were 40 of us and we based ourselves in some safe-houses there, but were soon found out. We lasted about 3 or 4 days and then lost 14 of our members. We could have lost everyone but Abu Khalid and I led some fighters into Bab Touma Square where we shut off the main road with our cars and skirmished with the army and the mukhabarat in order to assuage the blockade on al-‘Amara. We were successful in saving the rest of our fighters but we lost our cars.

Following that, we begun planning to liberate the Ghouta. Our most important accomplishment was striking the mills in al-Ghizlaniya which the regime had been using as ammunition depots.

This happened on the eve of Eid al-Adha in 2012. We seized a large amount of ammunition, and a week later attacked the Harasta al-Qantara battalion and seized whatever weapons it had as well. We managed to strike all of the regime’s battalions in the Ghouta in ten days’ time. The regime fell in this region, and our esprit du corps was lifted.

But as our borders now stretched, so did our frontline.

Some of our fighters put their feet up thinking that the regime had fallen. In the meantime we carried out attacks on Damascus airport, Tishreen palace, and the state-security headquarters. People were able to cross through to Jordan without anyone harassing them, but we did not go anywhere outside the country.

Since the start of this year things have started to stagnate. People are in pursuit of slogans and financiers; every wise guy is out to make a name of himself, forgetting that Bashar is not gone yet.