Present But Not Accounted For
The Rise and Development of U. S. Hispanic Theology
I. INTRODUCTION
It would be difficult to have been present in the United States during the last three decades without noticing the growing presence of the Hispanic[1] community, particularly in the south and the west as well as such key cities as New York and Chicago.[2] Many people are unaware that the United States is currently the fifth largest Spanish-speaking country in the world. With a population of 38.8 million the Hispaniccommunity now comprises 13.5% of the U. S.population and constitutes the largest minority group in the United States.[3] Not only is it the largest but it is also one of the fastest growing segments of the population. Between April 1, 2000 and July 1, 2002 the Hispanic population grew 9.8 % easily outpacing the overall population growth of 2.5 % and comprising fully one-half of the overall population increase during that time period.[4] At this pace, the Census Bureau projects that by 2010 the Hispanic community will have grown to 47.8 million (15.5 %) and by 2050 it is expected that they will number over 102.5 million or nearly one quarter of the overall population and nearly half the size of the non-Hispanic white population.[5]
The Hispanic community has not only grown significantly with respect to its demographic situation but it has also grown in terms of its theological contribution. The last three decades of the twentieth century saw a marked increase in both secular and theological scholarship as U. S. Hispanics began exploring their reality and its theological implications. Recognizing this growing presence and some of the implications it represents, the U. S. Catholic Church stated in their pastoral letter The Hispanic Presence: Challenge and Commitment:
No other European culture has been in this country longer than the Hispanic. Spaniards and their descendents were already in the Southeast and the Southwest by the late sixteenth century. In other regions of our country a steady influx of Hispanic immigrants has increased their visibility in more recent times. Plainly the Hispanic population will loom larger in the future of both the wider society and the Church in the United States.[6]
Given the significance of this growing reality, Pastora Cafferty and David Engstrom suggest that “addressing the issues raised by this heterogeneous population will define how Americans in general deal with issues of class, race, and ethnic identity during the twenty-first century.”[7]A similar statement could be made with respect to the significance of understanding this population for how we will deal with theological, ecclesiastical, and other religious concerns in the twenty-first century.
We will approach this task in two parts. In the first, we will consider the rise of U. S. Hispanic theology. To do this we will look at the background of the movement by briefly surveying the history of the Hispanic church in America from its colonial origins to 1972. We will then consider the advent of U. S. Hispanic theology as a distinct theological perspective as it has developed from that time to the present. The second part of the paper will discuss the development of a distinctly U. S. Hispanic theology by providing a concise summary of its theological methods and sources.
By exploring U. S. Hispanic theology in this way, we will hopefully accomplish two things. First we will have a better understanding of U.S. Hispanic theology and thus be better prepared to interact with what may become one of the most significant theological influences in America during the twenty-first century. Second, by interacting with their issues, insights, and concerns, we may come to deeper understanding of our own theological perspectives and methods.
II. THE BACKGROUND OF U. S.HISPANIC THEOLOGY(ORIGINS-1972)
Although Hispanicshave maintained a significant presence in what is now the continental United States for hundreds of years, their presence has in many ways only recently begun to be recognized by the more dominant non-Hispanic white population as their numbers have been swelled by high birth rates and rising immigration. Recognizing this tension between the “long-standing presence and recent arrival” of Hispanics in the U.S., Timothy Matovina and Gerald Poyo describe their history as “a wide-ranging and fascinating story of colonial origins and new beginnings, struggle and endurance, immigration and exile, unity and diversity, triumph and resistance.”[8] A survey as brief as this one cannot hope to address all of the disparate elements that comprise the history of Hispanic religious life in America but we will attempt to bring out the more significant aspects including both its ancient pedigree and its more recent development.
1. The Spanish Period (1565-1848)
Although Hispanic involvement in the United States can be dated somewhat earlier than 1565, the settlement of the first permanent colony in America at St. Augustine (Florida) in that year marks the beginning of an established Spanish presence.[9] For the next several hundred years Spanish presence spread all over the southern part of what is now the continental United States through colonization and missionary activity extending from coast to coast and as far north as Virginia.[10]
During the Spanish period the experience of the Hispanic peoples in these lands is best described as marginalized and oppressed. Though comprising a large portion of the Spanish lands, these areas never highly populated by Spanish settlers and were considered ‘borderland’ territories by the more densely populated and centrally located regions in central Mexico and South America.[11] Thus marginalized as a territory, Hispanics living in these ‘borderlands’ were further marginalized by political and economic policies that blatantly favored those who were of ‘pure’ Spanish descent and placed those of lower social status in positions where they could be manipulated and instrumentalized.
The militant nature of the Spanish involvement and its corresponding ‘conquest’ mentality also caused Hispanic origins in America to be “profoundly marked by slavery, plunder, oppression, and suffering.”[12] Overall, Spanish rule was harsh and created a society that was “seigniorial in kind, shot through with cast privilege, and widely, though not universally, dependent on peonage.” All of this contributed to the continued oppression of the indigenous and mixed populations.
Unfortunately, this marginalization and oppression was carried over into Latino/a religious life as well. Hispanic religious life during this era was thoroughly dominated by the Catholic Church.[13] But, under Spanish rule, the Catholic Church has often been described as having a dual nature. On the one hand, the ‘official’ Catholic Church was controlled by the upper classes and was influential in supporting and even promoting the political and economic policies of the Spanish colonies and thus the oppression and marginalization of the Hispanic peoples.[14] The Spanish Catholic hierarchy has thus been consistently criticized for failing to developing sufficient indigenous ecclesiastical leadership and not speaking out strongly against the abuse heaped on the Latino/a population.[15] But, on the other hand, there was a “church of the dispossessed”[16] led by people like Barolome de Las Casas who ministered to the needs of the common people and tried to better their lot sometimes in direct conflict with institutional Church structures. “Thus,” according to Justo González , “from its very beginning, Spanish-American Roman Catholicism has been torn between a hierarchical church that has generally represented the powerful and stood by them and a more popular church, formed by the masses and led by pastors who have ministered at the very edge of disobedience.”[17]
2. The American Period (1848-1941)
American involvement in these Hispanic lands actually begins long before 1848. Conflict between the Spanish and the Anglo populations in North America begins with a series of disputes over the Spanish colonies in Florida that eventually ended with the transfer of Florida to the United States in 1821. Tension heightened as American settlers began moving in greater numbers into Texas and California. Although granted significant freedom by the new Mexican government, Texas declared its independence in 1836 leading ultimately to the Mexican-American War (1846-1848) and culminating in the Treaty of Guadalupe-Hidalgo (1848) in which Mexico ceded the northern third of its territory to the United States. Although the Treaty guaranteed the rights and freedoms of the Hispanics living in the ceded territories, the non-Hispanic whites quickly dominated the social, political, economic, and even religious places of power. Most Hispanics argue that this same pattern of conquest, whether that conquest be military (Mexico and Puerto Rico), political (Cuba), or economic (most of Latin America), followed by marginalization has characterized the interaction of the United States with the Hispanic peoples.
The dual nature of the Church in the Spanish period also continued to characterize the religious experience of Hispanics under American rule. Church hierarchy was dominated by foreign clergy (largely Irish-American and French) and it was to be over a hundred years before the appointment of the first Hispanic bishop in the United States. This dual religiosity has been such a pervasive influence in Hispanic religious life that Justo González could state: “Hispanics, no matter whether Catholic or Protestant, and no matter whether or not they have heard of Bartolome de Las Casas or the cura de Taos, have been shaped by this dual Catholicism, a Catholicism that is deeply pained by the tension within itself and that is best epitomized in the common phrase – almost a contradiction for Catholics of other traditions ‘soy católico, pero no creo en las curas’ (I am a Catholic, but I don’t believe in priests).”[18] Thus, the marginalization and oppression characteristic of Hispanics in both the Spanish and American periods indicates that in secular society and the church, Hispanics have largely been present but not accounted for.
3. The Latino/a Resurgence (1941-1972)
A new period began in 1941 as a number of developments either contemporaneous with or resulting from American involvement in World War II had a dramatic impact on Latino/a life. Toward the end of the previous period, Hispanic immigration increased significantly. Almost 250,000 Mexican laborers crossed the border between 1918 and 1920.[19] Though many of them were subsequently deported during the Great Depression, the shortage of workers during World War II led to the establishment of the braceros (workers) program in 1942. Between 1942 and 1964 when the program was ended, well over five million Mexican workers participated in the program. In addition, many scholars think that the braceros program also increased the immigration of undocumented workers who were not allowed into the program.[20]
A number of post-WWII developments laid the groundwork for the rise of U. S. Hispanic Theology. During this period, according to Díaz-Stevens and Stevens-Arroyo:
A mostly rural, agricultural people became urban and proletarian; educational attainments increased, new class divisions were created, a more complex labor force segmentation appeared, and a wider religious diversity arose among Latinos. Perhaps the changes from 1930 until 1965 did more to alter the everyday life of Latinos than had the political transfer of power from Mexico and Spain to the United States after the wars of conquest. These revolutionary transformations had ecclesiastical aftershocks.[21]
Additionally, they note several social developments that were significant including rapid population growth, high immigration, as well as a growing awareness of pervasive racism, discrimination, and both political and economic obstacles.[22] Another broad development that impacted the Latino/a community was the Civil Rights movement. Although primarily oriented toward the needs and concerns of the African American community, it certainly had an impact on the Hispanic community as well.
The latter part of this period also witnessed “an intense period of advocacy and organization.”[23]Although this broad based movimientois typically viewed as involving primarily secular developments like César Chávez’s United Farm Workers, more militant Hispanic groups like the Brown Berets and La Raza Unida, the Chicano movement, the Latino studies movement, and the Puerto Rican nationalist movement, it was also closely related to the development of Catholic organizations like PADRES[24], Las Hermanas,[25] and the Division for the Spanish Speaking (later the Secretariat for Hispanic Affairs) as well as Protestant organizations like the Hispanic-American Institute.[26]One key proponent of these ecclesiastical developments was Robert E. Lucey, archbishop of San Antonio from 1941 to 1969. Leading the way in expressing concerns about the situation of Hispanics in America, he helped to establish the Bishops’ Commission for the Spanish Speaking which was “the first national organization aimed at the concerns of Hispanics in general and of Mexican Americans…in particular”[27]
The period was thus characterized by both a growing Hispanic presence in the United States and a growing Latino/a awareness of the challenges and obstacles hindering them from full involvement in society as well as a commitment to unapologetically address those problems and the needs of the Hispanic community.
4. The Social Location of U. S.Hispanics
Before moving on to consider the rise of U. S. Hispanic theology that resulted from these various social and religious developments, we must briefly consider the present social location of U. S. Hispanics. An overview of the various social realities of Hispanic life should suffice to demonstrate that marginalization and oppression have not only been historical realities for the Latino/a community but remain present realities as well. These present realities, as we will see in the second part of the paper, comprise a vital aspect of U. S. Hispanic theological reflection.[28]
a. The Diversity and Pan-ethnicity of the Hispanic Community
Before attempting to summarize the social reality of U. S. Hispanics it is important to recognize that ‘Hispanic’ is an umbrella term that actually encompasses a large and diverse group of people each possessing its own unique history and culture.[29] Indeed, Manuel Mejido comments that the heterogeneity of this group is so significant that it makes general statistical formulations like the ones cited above “almost absurd, as they do not reflect the nuances and idiosyncrasies that define this population.”[30] This heterogeneity must be acknowledged in all areas of Hispanic life including history, culture, religion, and social status.
The cultural background of the U. S. Hispanic population is quite diverse consisting as it does of Mexicans (66.9 %), Central/South Americans (14.3 %), Puerto Ricans (8.6 %), Cubans (3.7 %), and a variety of other Hispanic peoples (6.5 %) each with its own unique set of customs, traditions, institutions, and shared memories.[31] Hispanics are also racially diverse. As used by the U. S. Census Bureau and most scholars, Hispanic and Latino are ethnic/cultural terms rather than racial terms and are therefore more akin to ‘European’ or ‘North American’ than to ‘White/Caucasian’ or ‘Asian.’[32] Economically, while we will see that many Hispanics live below the poverty level and that the Hispanic community as a whole makes less than that of other people groups, a growing Hispanic middle class and marked economic differences between the various Hispanic groups means that any generalizations in this area necessarily fail to capture the complexity of the Hispanic economic situation. A commonly overlooked area of diversity is that which arises from generational differences. Latinos/as constitute one of the youngest population groups in the U. S.with over a third under the age of 18 (22.8% of non-Hispanic Whites).[33] Markedly different from Generation Xers, these Hispanic have been labeled Generation Ñ and are noted for both challenging the traditional assumptions of older Latinos/as and being more generally assimilated into ‘mainstream’ culture while at the same time maintaining the importance of holding on to their Hispanic heritage.[34] Finally, the Hispanic community is far more religiously diverse than is commonly recognized. Although the majority of Latinos/as still consider themselves to be Catholic,[35] Hispanics can no longer be considered a monolithically Catholic group. The last several decades have seen “a gradual decline of Hispanic Catholic identity”[36] and the rapid rise of Hispanic involvement with the Protestant church and other religious groups.[37]
A number of characteristics generally common to all Hispanic groups, though, suggests that they possess a pan-ethnic identity that transcends their cultural differences.[38] Despite recent trends, the Catholic Church[39]and the Spanish language[40]continue to be the most significant unifying factors.But there are a number of other important commonalties as well. AdaMaría Isasi-Díaz mentions the importance of their Caribbean and Latin American background, their social status, and their emphasis on popular religiosity.[41]Additionally, Luis Pedraja notes not only that Hispanics have shared “family values, and sense of spirituality” but also that the Spanish conquest of the Americas stands as the “one single element” that “traverses all our cultures and nationalities.”[42] Thus, as Fernando Segovia observes, “Despite their divergent backgrounds and natural tendency to define themselves in terms of their country of origin, Hispanic Americans have more recently begun to see themselves as a distinctive group with common needs and goals, with specific and urgent agenda, within the American political and cultural scene.”[43]