Russian Jews on Three Continents: Identity, Integration, and Conflict.
Preface to the paperback edition – September 2012
Over six years have passed since the first hardcover edition of this book was prepared for press. In such a dynamic field as immigration and integration, every year brings new political events, changes in economic cycles, and the ensuing shifts in global and local migration policies. These macro-level changes have to some extent redrawn the map of opportunities and challenges for my target community – ex-Soviet Jewish migrants in Israel and in the West.Since 2006, an estimated 60,000 ex-Soviet Jews have changed their place of residence, either emigrating from the FSU or relocating from one destination country to another (e.g. from Israel to America of from Germany to Israel). Although this scope of migration movement seems minor in comparison with the mass exodus of the early 1990s, it can still have tangible impact on both sending and receiving societies, especially if those migrants are carriers of valuable human capital. The first edition of my book juxtaposed the integration experiences of ex-Soviet immigrants in their new homelands – Israel, US, Canada and Germany– some fifteen years after the inception of the late- and post- Soviet Jewish emigration. By now our timeline has extended further, and most immigrants became long-timers with 20+ years of experience as Russian Israelis, Russian Americans, and carriers of other hyphenated identities. The goal of this brief preface is to offer the reader some useful leads to the recent developments on the virtual ‘Russian street” of Israel(and other host countries) and to suggest further readings published after 2007. The majority of recent publications listed in the end of this Preface follow up the experiences of Russian Israelis in different domains (religion, the emerging 2nd generation, the experiences of non-Jews, and more) or comparisons between Russian immigrants in Israel and Germany. This reflects the continued interest in 'Russians' among social scientists in Israel versus paucity of recent research and writing on this immigrant group in the US and Canada (which was sparse also in the previous decade but now almost completely dwindled).
Yet, in Israel of 2012, Russian Olim of the 1990s are no longer perceived as newcomers, or even as a special category within Jewish majority, with the respective decline in media coverage, targeting by politicians in election campaigns, and research funding to study their integration. By now 'Russians' are construed as regular Israelis with an accent (like most other veteran immigrants in this country), although their belonging to the Ashkenazi middle class is still debated. Most of them have found their economic and social foothold, mastered basic Hebrew, and learned to navigate Israeli institutions. Public spotlight has moved toward other groups considered troubled, deviant or treated unfairly by the majority (depending whom you ask) – Ethiopian youth, labor migrants from Asia, and most recently – so-called infiltrators from several African countries stricken by wars and poverty. Israel's internal political agenda is as loaded as ever and its international standing is increasingly challenged. Thus, the 20 year anniversary of the inception of the ‘Great Russian Aliyah’ in 2010 went almost unnoticed by the establishment and broad Israeli public, with a few academic events and publications dedicated to this occasion (one of them - a special issue of “Israel Affairs” that I collected and edited). Although the high momentum of ‘Russian politics’ in Israel has passed, a few political actors originating in the ranks of Russian Aliyah have reached national prominence after 2009 elections (particularly Avigdor Liberman as Foreign Affairs Minister and Ze’ev Elkin as head of the majority coalition in the Knesset, with three other ‘Russians’ holding less important ministerial posts). Quite a few high-ranking professionals with a Russian accent are now visible in Israeli science, medicine, industry and business community, the arts, and the academia; the only institutions where ‘Russians’ have not yet ascended to prominent or leading positions are the judiciary and the military corps. There is little doubt that the 1.5 and especially the 2nd generation will sooner or later enter the higher ranks of these bastions of Israeli statehood.
This is probably the most tangible indication of the completed transition period and the beginning of the new, permanent phase in the lives of Russian Israelis. Along with these achievements at the top, the overall living standards on Israel’s ‘Russian street’ remain lower compared to other Israeli Jews, with median family income some 25-30% below the average, fewer families owning their homes, travelling abroad, etc. The downward mobility of parental generation on the Israeli economic and social ladder has negatively affected the lives of their children born or raised in Israel (Remennick, 2012). Our recent research indicated that some older schoolchildren belonging to the 2nd generation still experience identity qualms (many of them identifying as ‘Russian’), struggle at school, and face exclusion by their Sabra peers (Remennick and Celnik, 2011). All of these issues hampering integration of Russian youths are especially prominent among their ethnically-mixed and non-Jewish segment torn between their homeland (FSU) and Israeli-related identities and loyalties (Prashizky and Remennick, 2012; Remennick, forthcoming).
Another facet of immigrant experience explored in our recent studies has to do with religious beliefs and practices of Russian Israelis after spending 20+ years in this country’s peculiar environment that we call State Judaism. Our findings suggest that although most Russian Israelis have adopted Jewish practices that typify Israeli society and lifestyle (major religious holidays, rite-of-passage rituals, etc.), this behavioral change reflects social adjustment to the mainstream rather than increased religiosity as such. Only a small minority of Russian baalei-tshuva has joined the ranks of Israeli Orthodoxy; a larger segment of them acquainted themselves with Jewish history, culture and traditions, but absolute majority remained secular, uninterested in organized religion and unaffiliated with synagogues (Remennick and Prashizky, 2010).
Over the last years the intensity of social and cultural exchange within global Russian-Jewish diaspora, whose inception was described in the 1st edition, has grown in several directions. Larger numbers of ex-Soviets living in Israel and in the West are involved in travel, academic and professional exchange, business initiatives, and political activism across national borders. The latter is exemplified by the growing numbers of Russian-Jewish Americans who travel to Israel, join academic programs and military service, and support Israeli causes from the US - both by their dollars and lobbying efforts. These days marked by polarization of attitudes towards Israel among American Jews (as well as growing apathy and disinterest), Russian immigrants form the most active segment of the pro-Israeli lobby. A sizeable amount of Russian Jewish professionals, particularly those working in science and hi-tech industries, are engaged in circular migration between Israel and the US, spending some years in both countries and thus fortifying human bridges between the two. By and large, RussianJews in America have completed their ascent to local middle class, achieved economic success in their professional fields, and also became more alert to their 'dormant' Jewish identity. In several Russian-Jewish hubs on American shores (e.g. in New York, Boston, and Los-Angeles) Russian-Jewish organizational initiatives have mushroomed lately, both in affiliation with local chapters of established Jewish organizations and as separate initiatives sponsored by and for the 'Russians'. One example of such associations is COJECO of Metropolitan New York – an umbrella federation of Russian Jewish clubs and societies involved in educational, cultural and charitable activities among Russian New-Yorkers.
A similar fortification of transnational orientations has typified the recent years for ex-Soviet immigrants in Germany. Since 2006 the entry of new Jewish immigrants has effectively stopped, so the existing Russian-Jewish population includes about 230,000 spread across different German Lands. The economic mobility of the more recent immigrants has improved compared to the late 1990s – which reflects the introduction of applicant screening at the entry (language test and verification of occupational fitness). Thus a younger segment of Russian immigrants has manifested higher employment rates (around 80% for the ages 20-50) with the ensuing successful integration into German middle class, at least on the instrumental level.Socially, ex-Soviets still prefer to mingle with their co-ethnics and stay in touch with their homelands. Although most Jewish immigrants are by now eligible for German citizenship, the naturalization rates among them remain lower compared to Russian Jews in the US and Canada, largely because of the demand to decline their citizenship in the FSU. Many of the younger Jews lead transnational lives, travelling for work and studies across Europe and in the FSU. Given their demographic predominance in most local Jewish communities, with the ensuing electoral potential, many Russian Jews have secured leadership positions in the Judisches Gemeinde (mainly in the Eastern Lands) gaining a direct influence on the community funds, activities and policies. A sizeable number among Russian-Jewish 2nd generation born and raised in Germany got attracted to religious activities of the Gemeinde, with a minority converting to Orthodoxy and/or making Aliya to Israel.
As for Canada, both streams of Russian-Jewish immigration (direct from the FSU and secondary from Israel) have continued over the last years, albeit with lower intensity. Given limitations on accreditation and licensure for carriers of foreign credentials in Ontario, a significant number of professionals have left Toronto and moved to other Anglo provinces (Alberta, British Columbia, Nova Scotia) in search of occupational mobility. The processes of polarization between the more successful immigrants (usually those younger, better educated, and moving from Israel) and those stuck on the margins of Canadian economy and society became even stronger over time. This economic stratification is manifested in residential patterns: the weaker segments of the Russian community are concentrated in the ethnic enclaves (e.g. high-rise blocks in North Bathurst area of Toronto), while their upwardly mobile counterparts move into family homes in leafy suburbs. Reflecting their parents' immigrant trajectories, the 1.5 and 2nd generation Russian-Jewish Canadians are also scattered on the scale of success: many are studying in elite schools and colleges, while many others drop out of high school and join the ranks of the unemployed or those working in the immigrant-dominated cash economy. Few immigrants have joined established Jewish organizations, choosing to remain on the grapevine of informal networks – either former Soviet or former Israeli (depending on the route of entry).
Thus, seven+ years lapsed from the time of my research covered in the 1st edition of the book have witnessed the extension of the same basic trends in the social insertion of ex-Soviet Jews in all the countries of their immigration. The features defining their collective social portrait include the strife for economic and social mobility (largely achieved);co-ethnic social preferences in friendships and romantic liaisons; perceived cultural gap with the hegemonic majority; the centrality of children's success in the host societycombined with the wish for Russian cultural continuity; and transnational proclivities towards their former homelands and Israel (for those living in the West). It can be asserted that the global Russian-Jewish networks have grown more dense and versatile (thanks to the salient role of the Web-based activities) and accessible for most members of the large post-Soviet diaspora. The younger segment of this diaspora, now in their teens, twenties and thirties, is moving to the central stage of the transnational Russian-Jewish life; they will define the sustainability and the future of this thriving diasporic community.
Recommended Recent Publications
Remennick, Larissa and Prashizky, Anna. From State Socialism to State Judaism: ‘Russian’ Israelis and their Attitudes towards Religion. Sociological Papers, No 15 (2010).
Remennick, Larissa and Prashizky, Anna. (eds). The Emerging Second Generation of Immigrant Israelis.Sociological PapersNo 16 (2011). Both recent issues of Sociological Papers are available (open-access) on the website:
Remennick, Larissa and Celnic, Paulina. The Children of 'Russian' Immigrant Parents in Israel: Identity and Social Integration. Sociological Papers, No 16 (2011), 1-38.
Remennick, Larissa. (editor). Russian Israelis: Social Mobility, Politics and Culture. Taylor & Francis (UK), 2011. This is a book version of a Special Issue of 'Israel Affairs", 2011, v.17 (1).
Remennick, Larissa.Twenty years Together: The ‘Great Aliyah’ and Russian Israelis in the Mirror of Social Research. Introduction to the Special Issue. Israel Affairs, 2011, 17(1): 1-6.
Remennick, Larissaand Prashizky, Anna. Russian Israelis and Religion: What Has Changed After 20 Years in Israel? Israel Studies Review 2012, 27(1): 55-77.
Prashizky, Anna and Remennick, Larissa. Strangers in the New Homeland? Gendered Citizenship among Non-Jewish Immigrant Women in Israel. Women’s Studies International Forum 2012, Vol. 35: 173-183.
Remennick, Larissa.Intergenerational Transfer in Israeli-Russian Immigrant Families: Parental Social Mobility and Children’s Integration. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies (in press - December 2012).
Remennick, Larissa. Professional Identities in Transit: Factors Shaping Immigrant Labor Market Success. International Migration (in press, 2012; online publication available at: doi:10.1111/j.1468-2435.2011.00733.x).
Remennick, Larissa. Transnational Lifestyle among Russian Israelis: A Follow-Up Study. Global Networks (forthcoming).
Fialkova, Larisa and Yelenevskaya Maria N. Ex-Soviets in Israel: From Personal Narratives to a Group Portrait. Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 2007.
Rivka A. Eisikovits. Immigrant Youth Who Excel: Globalization's Uncelebrated Heroes, by Charlotte, NC: Information Age Publishing, 2008.
Elias, Nelly. Coming Home: Media and Returning Diaspora in Israel and Germany.Albany: SUNY Press, 2008. Israeli Media and Communications Bulletin, 2009.
Bernstein, Julia. Food for Thought. Transnational Contested Identities and Food Practices of Russian-Speaking Jewish Migrants in Israel and Germany. Frankfurt: Campus Verlag, 2010, 451 pp.
Paul Berger. How Many Russian-Speakers are in US?Experts Spar Over Numbers — And Ponder Who Is a Jew. Forward, on-line edition, Nov 25, 2011.