Chapter 7:
Conclusion
The main aim of this thesis is to provide an ethnography of video game events, with the intention to offer insights into the changing nature of video gaming, and its social patterns and the interaction that surround and characterise this. Therefore, this chapter reflects on, and revisits, the three main objectives of this thesis, and considers the key findings of the research in relation to each. The chapter then considers what I would suggest are the most significant contributions to knowledge that this thesis offers.
As I have argued, video game studies have most commonly focused on the isolation of video gamers (either individually or in small groups), or the textual analysis of video games themselves. These studies have often been too closely aligned with a very narrow understanding of (direct) play, which often ignore the wider social-aspect of video gaming away from the video game screen. In comparison to a number of video game studies that focuses on the instances of play in front of a video game screen, this thesis considers the social and cultural practise of playing with video games (Newman, 2008) ¾ with particular attention to those who attend video game events and participate in various video game related practices within video gamer culture.
The introduction of this thesis (see chapter 1) sets out a number of key objectives, under three headings: the motivations of social and cultural video game related practices, characteristics of video gamers and video game communities, and patterns of social interaction within video game events. Each of these objectives will be discussed in turn as the major findings of this thesis are related to each, and both the significance and generalisability of this case highlighted and discussed throughout.
The first objective of this research aims to explore the reasons for video gamers coming together to participate in various video games related practices away from the video game screen – in particular, within video game events.
In relation to video game events, there has been limited research focusing on video gamers attending video game events, as well as their motives for participation in various video game related practices. Therefore, it becomes important to consider two principal research questions, who are the visitors and what motivates them to participate in video game events? As mentioned previously (in chapter 5), there has been limited statistical data examining video gamer demographics attending video game events. The researchers that examined video gamer demographics (such as, most notably, Swalwell, 2003; Jansz and Martens, 2005; Jonsson and Verhagen, 2011, Taylor and Witkowski, 2010) have mostly focused on one particular type of event, such as LAN events or gaming cafés. In contrast, this research project focuses on, and has studied, attendees and practices at a number of different events and types of event.
The findings from my research suggest that LAN events (such as Insomnia: iSeries) and more tournament-based events (such as Smash and MBA events) tend to consist of a higher proportion of male attendance, than seen at video game related conventions (such as MCM Comic Con), exhibitions (Play Expo), and video game related orchestral concerts (such as, Distant Worlds and Symphony Legends), which tend to have a ‘more balanced’ ratio of males and females. Taylor and Witkowski’s (2010) study on LAN events (Dreamhack) suggest that there was an increasing presence of female gamers; however, my research observations suggest that women still appear significantly under-represented at LAN events. For example, there were only 5 female Hearthstone players (including the researcher) whom competed in the 128-person tournament at Insomnia Gaming Events. Video game events that featured a variety of interests (including anime, manga, and sci-fi) tended to have a ‘more balanced’ ratio of male and female attendance. This suggests that a specific pattern of representation may not be consistent across all video game events. Hence, the findings suggest that those who attend video game events include a range of individuals, such as, students, young professionals, mothers, fathers, uncles, and children, either for their first time, or multiple times. This suggests that there may not be one type of video gamer attending video game events; similar to MacCallum-Stewart’s (2014) argument that the portrayal average gamer as 35, lower middle class, white, and of either gender, may not be an accurate portrayal of all gamers. Therefore, rather than focusing on the demographics of those who attend, it becomes more worthwhile to examine the motives for attending video game events.
This leads onto the second question: what motivates video gamers to participate in video game events? Previous studies have often focused on motivations for playing video games, rather than those who participate in video game related practices within video game events. For instance, motives to play video games have often been linked to enjoyment and entertainment (Griffiths and Hunt, 1998), to escape away from the ‘routine’ everyday life (Philips et al., 1995), to pass time and ‘avoid boredom’ (Bernett et al., 1997), to win or surpass others through competition (Barnett et al., 1997), and to prove control over their game character and its context (Grodal, 2000). However, these motives for playing video games are not directly concerned with gaming as a social activity and ignore the social context of playing with video games (Newman, 2008). Drawing on the four motives identified by Jansz and Martens (2005), as well as original data gathered from this research, I propose a new typology of video game event attenders: the ‘socialiser’, the ‘participator’, and the ‘competitor’.
Firstly, the ‘socialiser’ usually consists of individuals that primarily come together for social purposes, besides playing video games themselves. For the socialisers, it meant something to be there and to be with like-minded people. The findings suggest that ‘being there’ and ‘together’ provides a welcoming atmosphere with considerations to a worthwhile leisure lifestyle shared amongst gamers (Jonsoon and Verhagen, 2011). Video game events provide an unique opportunity for video gamers, who are usually separated by distance, to come together – in particular, to ‘hang around, meet friends, just be’ (Bloustein, 2003, p.166) as much and as often as possible. This suggests that coming together at video game events can create new kinds of opportunities to develop identities, connections, and communication. Hence, the findings suggest that video game event attendees were often quite social and regularly kept in contact with other members of certain communities, where non-explicit requirements involved forms of inclusion and exclusion to participate in various video game related practices – such as age, gender, and ‘adequate’ social skills.
Secondly, the ‘participator’ refers to individuals that attend video game events for participation purposes. For instance, common forms of participation (besides gaming itself) included exploring the exhibition hall, purchasing merchandise, attending signing sessions and workshops, cosplay, and community practices. However, it is important to highlight that some forms of participation were more community-based than others (such as traditional and ritual community practices). For example, the Insomnia (i-Series) community often consist of BYOC gamers whom participated in other community practices of their own (besides gaming itself); this included playing Mafia/Werewolves, card games, drinking games, ‘Hide and Sleep’, seeking LAN treasure, and many more. Hence, amongst the examined forms of participation (in chapter 5), the findings suggest that community practices (such as, within the cosplay and LAN communities) often reunited groups of individuals together to strengthen their bonds within a temporal space. Therefore, the motive for attending video game events often consist of certain video game practices, as well as community practices, which provided a sense of belonging. This suggests that participating at video game events tells us something more than just what games people play.
Thirdly, the ‘competitor’ refers to individuals who attend video game events for competitive purposes, such as competing in video game tournaments and competitions. However, I argue that competitive gaming involves more than players simply competing against each other and coming out on top, rather it involves a significant amount of preparation, practice and interaction with other players to compete in eSport tournaments. Using Shaffir and Stebbin’s (1991) four stages of how field experiences may be coordinated, I also consider the process of becoming a competitive gamer in four stages: entering the game scene, learning how to play one’s role within the game community, maintaining and surviving the several kinds of relations that emerge within the gaming community, and learning the game scene. For instance, the findings suggest that amongst the participants that competed in gaming tournaments, it was important to be considered a ‘good player’ or at least a ‘competent player’; living up to community norms helps develop certain amounts of social and cultural capital (Taylor, 2003). Therefore, drawing on Garfield’s (2000) metagame model, I use examples from Hearthstone tournaments to provide an analysis of: what players bring to a game, what a player takes away from a game, what happens between games, and what happens during a game other than the game itself? This suggests that competitive gaming consist of more than the motive to win, it also consist of the social-aspect of competitive gaming that takes away from the video game screen.
The purpose for identifying the three types of video game attendee types (socialiser, participator, and competitor) is to categories the various reasons for attendance, in relation to their different forms of social encounters within video game communities. The continuum of socialness (socialiser), activeness (participator) and competitiveness (competitor) suggests that there can be varying levels of commitment amongst those who participate in video game related practices – which leads us to the second objective, where commitments can differ amongst those who regularly (or irregularly) attend video game events.
The second objective of this research aims to explore how common interests of video gamers enhance and support the social interaction between gamers when attending video game events. It is important to highlight that several video game events only occur at certain times throughout the year, sometimes two or three times a year. Therefore, those who attended less frequently were often deprived from the ‘benefits’ of being part of a video game community. For example, most of the infrequent attendees, were there to attend and take part in video game related practices that were less ‘community-based’, such as visiting the exhibition hall, purchasing merchandise, and game demonstrations. As Mario (Interviewee: Play Expo) states: ‘…it’s the same stuff every year (MCM Comic Con), so I don’t really see a point going again’.
In comparison, those who attended regularly and participated in more ‘community-based’ practices often felt the benefits of being part of a video game community; whether it was support provided amongst community members, inclusiveness of certain video game related practices, or sharing similar tastes and values. For instance, attending video game events often involves a certain level of commitment, dedication, and finance; therefore, those who contributed often received benefits in forms of recognition and status; such as building a specific reputation of a ‘regular attender’. Similar to Hodkinson’s (2002) discussion of ‘subcultures’ and their participants’ varying levels of commitment, those who were consistent in their adherence to community tastes and norms tended to received more social rewards, in comparison to those who ‘flirted’ at the boundaries. For example, Mr Game and Watch (Interviewee: Smash Events) stated that after attending several Smash events, he was able to organise travel with other Smash players, which was considered a ‘more fun and cheaper option’, in comparison to travelling alone. Those who attend regularly often organise themselves into groups, and these are often based around a particular game or genre of gaming (Mäyrä, 2008). Hence, despite common interests amongst video gamers, levels of support, inclusion, and social interaction, can differ greatly amongst those who attend video game events regularly and those who do not.
The third objective of this research was to analyse the identity of video gamers, and in particular, how individuals identify themselves and each other and what being a gamer entails? In relation to identity, Hodkinson (2002) refers to subcultures as providing a strong sense of ‘us’ and them’. This refers to the perception that individuals are involved in a distinct cultural grouping with shared identities. For instance, the findings suggest that BYOC gamers often participated in various practices that have become a ritual or tradition. For example, common practices included attending opening ceremonies, obtaining ‘The Box’, participating in the pub quiz, beer towers and boat races, searching for ‘LAN treasure’, and surviving ‘LAN Death’. These rituals often promote a sense of community, as well as a sense of belonging and identity; ‘You have to do it, it’s LAN tradition’ (BYOC gamer – field-notes). Hence, there are often boundaries drawn between ‘us’ and ‘them’, where resisting the dominant practices of the group can be a relatively hard thing to do (Bauman, 1990).
In relation to the second half of the objective question, ‘what being a gamer entails?’, the findings suggest gaming communities often involve various forms of social interaction, where groups negotiate norms and learn rules of social comportment, which reproduce codes of behaviour and establish standards of conduct (Wright et al., 2002). Video gamers often have to undergo a process of living up to community norms through acknowledgement and acceptance to develop a certain level of social capital. Similar to aspects of ‘ordinary’ life, people often find places where they can ‘fit in’. Crawford (2004, p.55) writes:
Once inside these communities, an individual’s ability to progress is often dependent on their ability to ‘fit in’ [to] the existing social norms of the group. Those who do not fit may find themselves marginalised or even excluded altogether
This suggests that it is often important to be considered a ‘good player’ by other gamers. For instance, as my own experience highlights, Hearthstone players who compete in tournaments and do ‘extremely well’ are often taken more seriously and admired. However, when community members struggle to ‘fit in’, they often find themselves marginalised. For example, players who grief, steal, offend, and manipulate each other often get ‘called out’ by other members of the community. In particular cases there have been gamers in the Smash UK scene that have been banned from attending future video game tournaments and video game events.