Collective Action Success in New Zealand Final

Collective actionsuccess in New Zealand

Published in November 2012
by the Ministry for the Environment,

Wellington, New Zealand
Publication No: ME 1104

Abstract

This paper analyses the likelihood of collective action success in New Zealand for managing natural resources. To assess collective action a wide range of cases of collective action in New Zealand were analysed. From case study research of individual cases, meta-analysis of success factors developed from the literature and the analysis of costs and benefits were performed. We judge from these analyses that collective action holds promise for natural resource management. We further propose five enabling principles to allow authentic collective action to develop.

Collective Action Success in New Zealand 1

Introduction

Until recently, New Zealand’s abundance of natural resources made management simple. It is not difficult to allocate and manage abundant resources. But times are changing as natural resources that we take for granted are becoming increasingly scarce because of pressure from human economic activity. Compounding the problems of scarcity are the competing objectives and values held by an increasing number of stakeholders. This situation is made more complex by the interaction between natural resource systems (eg, the relationship between land erosion and water quality).

These challenges of increasing scarcity and complexity for the management and allocation of natural resources have led to much conflict (Land and Water Forum, 2010).Hence, we need a regime that can overcome conflict and deal with change.However, New Zealand’s currentlegislated regime – the Resource Management Act 1991– by itselfis unsuitabletomeet these challenges.Under this regime stakeholders express their objectives and values through submissions on plans and notified resource consents. The result can be a complicated and time-consuming planning process, where unresolved conflicts invariably end up in the Environment Court for those that can afford it.

These inadequacies with the current regime have led governmentto advocate for the use of collaborative rather than adversarial processes for the management of natural resources. Collaborative processesemphasise the sharingof knowledge and working together through ongoing dialogue. These processes can reduce conflictthrough the development of novel and widely acceptable solutions (Innes Booher, 2010).The intended result is less time spent by stakeholders in the Environment Court and fewer competing voices lobbying government.

With the benefits of collaboration in mind, we became interested in whethercollective actionshouldplay an increasing role in New Zealand’s regime for natural resource management.Collective action is when a group of stakeholders followrules they develop and agree through collaboration to manage a shared natural resource. Because collective action is undertaken by stakeholders, it can developrulesthat matchthe complexities of local natural resource systems (Ostrom, 1990; Smith, 2002). Furthermore, stakeholders adhering to collective action can use feedback from rule compliance and monitoring to ensure the management of natural resources is resilient and adaptiveto a complex and rapidly changing environment.

Despite these advantages of collective action, environmental policy-makers have traditionally been cautious of it (Poteete Ostrom, 2007; Prager Nagel, 2008). This caution is largely because conventional theoriesabout collective action emphasise that those who use a shared natural resource will, in time,over-exploit and degradeit (‘the tragedy of the commons’) (Olson, 1965; Hardin, 1968). The standard regimes offered to resolve this problemare either to encourage the formation of a market or to regulate.

Empirical evidence, however, has challenged these conventional theories. Research has found a large number of cases from a wide range ofsettings where collective action is successful over the longterm for the management of shared natural resources (Baland Platteau, 2000; Ostrom & Nagendra, 2006; Poteete Ostrom, 2007).

There is evidence of successful collective actionfor natural resource management from around the world.These tend to be around natural resources with common-pool characteristics and among homogeneous sets of stakeholders with similar objectives and values. But the New Zealand context is different. Here there are many natural resources with public good characteristics and multiple stakeholders, including iwi, operating at different scales with potentiallycompetingobjectives and values. This complexity may lead to collective action failure (Kallis et al, 2009). Indeed, stakeholders may be unable to developand agree on rules or they follow a confusing mix of weakly understood and poorly enforced rules (Memon Selsky, 1998).

In spiteof these concerns, the promise of collective action warrants its analysis in New Zealand. To assess thelikelihood of collective action successthis paperexamines a wide range of cases of collective action. Thesampling of awide range of cases of collective action within a single country is rare (Poteete et al, 2010). This means there is limited evidence to confidently assert or refute itsbenefits.Findings from this analysis provide an opportunity to determine the promise of collective action in New Zealand and inform environmental policy.

Factors for collective action success

Collective actionemergesfor a number of reasons. These include a flashpoint (ie, an abrupt change in the natural resource or socio-political system) anda hurting stalemate where adversarial conditions develop that frustrate all stakeholders. However, the motivationfor collective action ultimately depends on whether stakeholders foresee net benefits from taking part (Varughese Ostrom, 2001).Substantial upfront transaction costs (eg,travel costs, public consultation, meetings, facilitation), high discount ratesand a shortage of financial resources maybe obstacles to the emergence of collective action.

Regardless of how stakeholders are motivated to collaborate, debate continues as to the success factors that sustain collective action. The Nobel laureate Elinor Ostrom(1990)highlightedeightsuccess factors that she considers from her experience to be present in enduring collective action. Our interpretations of Ostrom’s eight success factors are:

1. The boundaries of the natural resource system and the stakeholders that have rights to use the natural resource are clearly defined;
2. The rules formed are congruent with the local natural resource conditions;
3. The rule arrangements for collective-choice are locally developed;
4. The protocols of monitoring exist both for the state and use of the natural resource and for the rules developed by the collective action group;
5. The stakeholders who violate operational rules are assigned a graduated sanction commensurate with their rule violation;
6. The mechanisms of conflict resolution are available for stakeholders;
7. The stakeholders have the right and autonomy to form their own rules, which are not challenged by external government authorities; and
8. The rules, monitoring, sanctions and conflict resolution, especially for larger and more complex natural resource systems, are organised as nested systems.

Although the validity of Ostrom’seight success factors is established (Cox et al, 2010), they have been criticised for being incomplete. For example, these success factors lack an account of the size and condition of the natural resource managed. But, it is social success factors that has been the greatest omission; asnow acknowledged by Ostrom herself(Ostrom, 2007; Poteete et al, 2010). Social relationships provide the means for stakeholders to coordinate their activity towards collective action. Researchers consider leadership and trust as critical social success factors that are necessary for such coordination (Harkes, 2008; Berkes, 2009).

Leaderscan provide an intimate understanding of the rules presently and historically followed. Thisallows leaders to: one, act as hubs which stakeholders can self-organise around; two, motivate and champion efforts towards collective action success; and three, provide resilience to the rules for natural resource management. However, collective action is vulnerable to failure ifleaders either leave or ‘burnout’ because of the large commitments required of them.

While leaders are hubs for self-organising processes, it is trust that lowers transaction costs and binds stakeholders togetherfor successful collective action (Ostrom, 2007; Crona et al, 2011). Fostering trust depends largely on stakeholders communicating facetoface, reciprocatingon intentions and following through with these commitments. Accordingly, trust is best fostered initially in collective action through undertaking a number of activities that are considered ‘easy wins’ at an early stage.

Mancur Olson (1965) reasoned larger groups would be less likely to achieve collective action success because of the increased difficulty of facetoface communication and the increased propensity to free-ride. However, a means to aid collective action success for larger groups is by partially decomposing them into smaller nested groups (Ostrom, 1990; Marshall, 2008). For this reason, nesting is especially important for collective action undertaken on larger systems and scales (eg, regional and national scales).

A related success factor to group size is the degree of homogeneityin the group. However, it is not cultural, locational orsocio-economic homogeneitythat correlates with collective action success. Rather, researchindicatesit is heterogeneity in the rules held by different stakeholderswhich can stymie collective action (Varughese, 1999). Nevertheless, the convergence towards more homogeneous rules can be achieved through collaborative processes. In particular, social learning through respectful information sharingcan promotewidely acceptable solutionsandrule convergence (Gibson Koontz, 1998; Ostrom, 1999; Keen et al, 2005).

Method

We embarked on an analysis of 23 case studies of collective action, across a wide range of natural resource settings, governance arrangements and scales.In an effort to avoid excessive selection biases towards analysing only officially recognised cases of collective action (Poteete Ostrom, 2007), an effort was made to establish and incorporate informal cases into our analysis. However, it should be noted that it is difficult to analyse cases where collective action failure(ie, widespread rule breaking and group disintegration) has occurred, given that these cases are often left undocumented. Figure 1 indicates the location, size and primary purpose of each collective action group within the final sample.

Figure 1: Map indicating the location, size and primary purpose of natural resource management for each collective action group sampled.

We initially examined the 23 collective action groups bycase study analysis. This method has been applied extensively for the analysis of collective action elsewhere (Poteete et al, 2010).The case study analysis was broadly guided by the well-established Institutional Framework for Policy Analysis and Design (Polski Ostrom, 1999). This framework provides a rule-based lens to analyse collective action. To avoid overly generalised research undertaken at the desktop, a more intensive level of analysis with an effort to link analysis to on the ground experience was performed for a smaller number of cases.

We performed a meta-analysis across the individual cases to gauge the likelihood of collective action success in New Zealand. We scored each case studyagainst a number of success factors for collective action developed from the literature. The scoring system used a zero-to-four point scale for eachsuccess factor, anchored to an absolute, extreme position for the ‘zero’ and ‘four’ scores.For example, for the success factor ‘Sanctions’ a score of zero represented a collective action group with no sanctions developed and agreed on, while a score of four represented a collective action group with explicit graduated sanctions developed and agreed on. For the purposes of scoring, at least two analysts agreed each score on the weight of the available evidencefor the case analysed. Given the subjectivity of these judgments, the scores given were also validated by others familiar with the each collective action group.

In addition to the case study research, an analysis of the costs and benefits from collective action was also performed. We assessed the costs and benefits of collective action acrossthree categories: transaction costs (eg, meetings, facilitation, monitoring, compliance, litigation), the cost of physical works (eg, fencing, pest control) and the change in values accrued from the natural resource. The latter was assessedusingthe Total Economic Value framework. Thisaccounts for all natural resource values including direct use values (eg, marketable goods), indirect use values (eg, many ecosystem services), option values and non-use values (eg, cultural and existence values).

Given the limited capacity to monetise the costs and benefits of collective action, changes were assessed by the subjective judgement of analysts based on the weight of available evidence from the analysed cases. Like the meta-analysis, these judgements were validated by others familiar with the collective action groups. We assessed increases or decreases in each categoryby comparing the management of the natural resource under collective action to the previous regime. The scaleused runs froma ‘high’ change (●●●), which represents an order magnitude larger than a ‘medium’ change (●●), which is in-turn an order of magnitude greater than a ‘low’ change (●). Although a‘low’ change is relatively minor, it still can be differentiated from ‘no’ (0) change. These changes were categorised into ‘cost’ and ‘benefit’ columns which were are not ‘netted’ off at any stage. Given that an order of magnitude separates each scale point, it is inappropriate to aggregate by summation. Rather, the aggregatedcost and aggregated benefit for each case is revealed by applying the rule that the highest changebe used as a proxy for the total change. Collective action was judged to provide net benefits where the aggregated benefit equalled or exceeded the aggregated cost.We note that costs and benefits may not necessarily accrue during the same period of time. To account for this asymmetry in time between costs and benefits we judgednet benefits over the shortterm and the longterm.

Results

Analysis of costs and benefits

In many of the cases analysed[1] it was observed that collective action emerged without government intervention or the need for special legislation to provide it with legitimacy. However, almost all cases received public funding soon after their emergence, either directly or via the support of an intermediary such as the Landcare Trust, a non-governmental organisation involved in the facilitation of many collective action groups. The requirement for public funds is not surprising given the public goods character of the natural resources managed by the groups. The analysis of costs and benefits was performed on only ten cases, as many cases were deemed too immature with no tangible benefits evident ontheground or too difficult to judge from the limited evidence available.

Table 1 indicates the net benefits(or net costs) in the short and longterm for the cases analysed. Four cases were judged to result in short term net costs. On the other hand, six cases were judged to providenet benefits in the shortterm. There are numerous examples of shortterm benefitsbeing provided since collective actionbegan. Examples include the increased number of tourists visiting Quail Island/Ōtamahua, the increased amount of recreational swimming on the Sherry River and the improved harbour health, better pasture and improved milk yield due to changed farm management practices in the Whaingaroa catchment.

Table 1: Analysis of costs and benefits for collective action in the short and longterm.

Note: Examples of ‘high’ transaction costs (●●●) include making multiple forms of legislation and significant conflict in the Environment Court, ‘medium’ transaction costs (●●) include making legislation, regulation and regular meetings between stakeholders requiring significant travel, ‘low’ transaction costs(●) include regular meetings between local (co-located) stakeholders, facilitation of meetings and the preparation of reports.

Despite evidence of benefits, collective action also generates large initial transaction costs, due to the need for numerous meetings andparticularly if government makes new legislationor regulation to empower a group. We found large initial transaction costs were associated with heterogeneous sets of stakeholders with competing objectives and values. In three cases we judged from the weight of available evidence that the large initial ‘investment’ was likely to payoff in the longterm astransaction costs decreasedthrough collaboration and the benefits of new management practices onthegroundwere realised.

Our finding of longterm net benefits with collective action, despite large initial costs in the shortterm, is consistent with the projections of other researchers (eg, Carlsson & Sandström, 2008).Evidence of long term net benefits also indicates that collective action should be seen as an investment. An example of this in our findings is the Fiordland Marine Guardians. This group had special legislation created to empower it, which has resulted in significant upfront transaction costs. However, this empowerment has allowed the group to implement its strategy of ‘marine management measures’. A recent Ministerial review found that although it was too early to judge the effectiveness ofthe strategy, itgained strong local awareness and understanding (Allen and Clarke Policy and Regulatory Specialists, 2010). Furthermore, this review highlighted that “...the number of people spoken to as part of the Ministry’s compliance patrols had increased since the management regime involving the [Fiordland Marine Guardians] had begun, but the number of people found in breach had decreased” (p. iv).