A Qualitative Exploration of Alcohol Use Among Student Sportspeople: a Social Identity
SPORT PARTICIPATION AND ALCOHOL USE1
Zhou, J., & Heim, D. (2016). A qualitative exploration of alcohol use among student sportspeople: A social identity perspective.European Journal of Social Psychology,46(5), 581-594.
A qualitative exploration of alcohol use among student sportspeople: A social identity perspective
Jin Zhou*,a,band Derek Heimb
aDeakin University
bEdge Hill University
Author note
An Alcohol Research UK Studentship awarded to the authors made this research possible. At the time of the research, Jin Zhou was affiliated with Edge Hill University, Ormskirk, United Kingdom. She is now with the School of Psychology,Deakin University, Australia. Correspondencemay be sent to her at that address or via email: .
The authors declare that there are no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
*Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Jin Zhou, theSchool of Psychology, Deakin University, Burwood, Victoria 3125, Australia (email: ).
Word count: 9304
ABSTRACT
Research indicates that university student sportspeople are a high-risk subgroup for hazardous alcohol consumption.Adopting a social identity perspective, we explored the social and psychological processes linking sports participation and alcohol use. Twenty-two individual semi-structured interviews were conducted with UK student sportspeople (male 12, female 10). A deductive thematic analysis identified three core themes:social identification and sports group membership, identity processes in (alcohol) behaviours, and sport-contextspecificsignificance of alcohol. Results suggest that theconsumptive practices among student sportspeople were strategic activities underpinned by social identity processes, which served to provide a positive sports experience at the group-level.Our findings highlight the interactions between the sport environment, the social structure of sport participation, and the multipurpose function of alcohol in this context. We discuss the implications of these results in support of asocial identity frameworkto address sport-related drinking.
Key words: alcoholuse; sports; student-athletes; social identity; thematic analysis
A qualitative exploration of alcohol use among student sportspeople: A social identity perspective
Participating in sportsisseen as a health enhancing activity where a sense ofpride, identity, and personal empowermentcan beachieved (Blinde, Taub, & Han, 1994). However, alongside the numerous physical and psychological health benefits of sport participation, research has consistently shown that athletic involvement is associatedwith elevated rates of alcohol consumption and hazardous drinking behaviours (Cadigan, Littlefield, Martens, & Sher, 2013;Nattiv, Puffer, & Green, 1997;Leichliter, Meilman, Presley, & Cashin, 1998;Kwan, Bobko, Faulkner, Donnelly, & Cairney, 2014).
This relationship is revealed to be particularly problematic among the student population(Martens, Dams-O’Connor, & Beck, 2006; Turrisi, Mallett, Mastroleo, & Larimer, 2006). Studies indicate that students participating in organised recreational sports report drinking more than those whodo not participate in any organised activity(Partington et al., 2012;Ward & Gryczynski, 2007). For example, Leichliter et al. (1998) found thatstudents involved in organised institutional sports consumed significantly more drinks per week, witha greater percentage reporting recentengagementin heavy episodic binge drinking, compared totheir nonsporting peers. Similar trends have been highlighted in comparable studies (Ford, 2007;Nelson & Wechsler, 2001;Wechsler, Davenport, Dowdall, Grossman, & Zanakos, 1997;Hildebrand, Johnson, & Bogle, 2001). Notably, the bulk of research originates from the US. However, the handful of non-US studies also identify elevated rates of hazardous alcohol use and alcohol-related harms among student sportspeople(Martha, Grelot, & Peretti-Watel, 2009;Partington et al., 2012). An emerging concern is that this pattern of hazardous consumption seems to continue after individuals no longer participate in sport (Cadigan et al., 2013; Green, Nelson, & Hartmann, 2014).
As such, it is not without irony that researchers note the relationship between the health benefits of sport participationalongsidethe health debilitating effects of hazardous alcohol use in this particular subgroup (Lisha & Sussman, 2010; Musselman & Rutledge, 2010; Wenner & Jackson, 2009). As it stands, studies on prevalence rates of student sports-related drinking are abundant (Ford, 2007; Leichliter et al., 1998; Wechsler et al., 1997). However, less research looks to delineate the psychological underpinnings of how and why this relationship exists(Green et al., 2014).
More recently, researchers have begun to unpick the socio-cultural features of sport-related drinking. Early descriptive studies intimate that alcohol consumption plays an integral part in the socialisation of team members and individual sport participants through creating groupnorms and team cohesion(Donnelly & Young, 1988;Orloff, 1974). Building on this, research corroborates the important influence of drinking norms and cultural practices on sportspeople’s drinking(Dams-O’Connor, Martin, & Martens, 2007; O’Brien, Kolt, Webber, & Hunter, 2010). For example, sporting participantsoften describe alcohol-relatedcustoms, such as drinking with the opposing team to promote social integration as common practice steeped in tradition(Collins & Vamplew, 2002; Fuchs & Le Hénaff, 2014; Lawson & Evans, 1992).Stainback(1997) suggests that drinking in the sporting environment may be viewed as positive practices where alcohol plays a prominent partin the social activities associated with sports participation, such as post-match socialising and team celebrations(Black, Lawson, & Fleishman, 1999; McGuifficke, Rowling, & Bailey, 1991).
Taken together, the literaturesuggests that there are features of sports participation, and being a member of a sporting group, which are associated with alcohol (Palmer, 2011). As such, researchers suggest a focus on how the social and cultural elements of sport life interact to structure drinking among sportspeople (Crocket, 2014; Palmer, 2011).
A social identity perspective
The significance of sport group membershipprovides the opportunity for an appliedsocial identityapproach (Haslam, Jetten, Postmes, & Haslam, 2009).Although insights from this perspective have been incorporated in a number of health-related areas(Jetten, Haslam, & Haslam, 2012), its application to sport-related behaviours have yet to be utilised fully (Rees, Haslam, Coffee, & Lavallee, 2015). Social identity theoryproposes that being a member of a social group is psychologically and emotionally significant, and powerfully impacts individuals’ thoughts and behaviours(Tajfel & Turner, 1979; Turner, Hogg, Oakes, Reicher, & Wetherell, 1987).Turner et al. (1987) suggested that a social identity is activated when people define themselves in terms of their group categories (‘us’ and ‘we’ as opposed to ‘I’ and ‘me’). Through this self-categorisation process, individuals will perceive themselves as similar to other members of the same group and share values and characteristics associated with group membership (Turner, 1982).
Importantly, self-categorisations not only generate feelings of group identification and a positive sense of self but can also determine how group normative behaviours arise.Bornout of this concept of group processes, the referent informational influence theory asserts that normative behaviours are a result of internalised self-categorisations (Hogg & Turner, 1987;Turner, 1982; Turner, Wetherell, & Hogg, 1989).From this perspective, our behaviours are tied to our group membership and social identities, and social influence is represented as a set of internalised attitudes, values, and behavioural prescriptions. Self-categorisation, for example defining oneself in terms of a student identity, gender identity or sports identity, is seen to provide the basis for self-stereotyping – termed “depersonalisation” by Turner (1982) – and shapes how behaviours are expressed. Importantly, a key formulation of this theoretical framework emphasises how social identity processes motivate group members to behave in ways that affirm their social identification (Reicher, Spears, & Haslam, 2010).To do so, group members engage in behaviours that are congruent and normative to their salient social identities in a given context(Amiot, Sansfaçon, & Louis, 2014; Tarrant et al., 2012; Turner et al., 1987).
Consistent with these theoretical tenets, applied researchin the health domain shows thathealth behaviours which are identity-affirming are more likely to be subject to social identity processes of group identification and normative influence (Berger & Rand, 2008; Livingstone & McCafferty, 2015). Relatedly,inferences from both qualitative and quantitative research within the sport-alcohol literature suggests that sport-related identities play a significant role in determining its participants' behaviours (Miller, 2009;Zhou, Heim, & O’Brien, 2015). For example, studies indicatethat strong identification as an athlete may be associated with sportspeople aligning their behaviours with what they perceive to be normative to the sports group in order to validate and maintain their team membership and identity (Grossbard, Hummer, LaBrie, Pederson, & Neighbors, 2009; Grossbard, Geisner, et al., 2009; Zhou, Heim, & Levy, 2016).
In terms of sport-related drinking, Clayton and Harris (2008) found that students on a university football team perceived drinking alcohol with the team as an indication of commitment to the group; their drinking practices enabled them to distinguish themselves socially from others and allowed them to unite under a group identity. Similarly, the cultural drinking practices surrounding the ‘prodigious’ alcohol use among Australian rugby league players and spectators underscore how belonging, identity and social capital attached to being involved with a sports club are associated with alcohol consumptionto help define one’s identification with their team (Palmer & Thompson, 2007). What these studies convey is that sport involvement provides a setting that is steeped in identity-laden processes, which can also impactits members’ alcohol behaviours (Zhou & Heim, 2014). To this end, a consideration of the identity-based nature of sport-related drinking may offer directions for elucidating the underlying psychological mechanisms underpinning sport and alcohol use.
There is a growing body of evidence suggesting that social identity processes can guide health-related behaviours through its ability to frame decisions in terms of one’s group categories (Levine & Reicher, 1996; Oyserman, Fryberg, & Yoder, 2007; Tarrant & Butler, 2011).For example, Tarrant and Butler (2011)showed that participants could be prompted to engage in future health promoting behaviours (reduce alcohol and salt intake) if they were encouraged to self-categorise in terms of their national identity (British) instead of their student identity. Levine and Reicher (1996)found that female athletes were likely to seek medical treatment for a knee injury if they were encouraged to define themselves as sports science students rather than as women.These findings are elaborated to form thesocial identity salience model account of behaviour, which describes how salient social identities can predict people’s health behaviours (Tarrant et al., 2012). From a social identity perspective, it is the psychological value of a person’s identity that influences their behaviours. Crucially, this distinction is what sets it apart from hitherto more dominantsocial cognitive health models, in that it emphasises that behaviours are intertwined with one’s social belonging and self-concept.
With this in mind, a social identity framework proffers a theoretical lens through which to understand how group-based identities enables the transmission of social and group-based features associated with certain behaviours. It proposes that practices that emphasise identity fit, in an environment whereidentity is made constantly accessible and salient, will significantly impacthow certain collective group characteristicsare conveyed, received, and maintained(Turner, 1982).To this effect, social identity processes found within small group research (e.g., Hogg, 1996; Hogg & Abrams, 1993; Levine & Moreland, 1994)detail how interactive individuals within groups can adopt practices in order to promote group cohesion and in-group distinctiveness, and govern members’ actions in-line with valued group-based norms and goals (Postmes, Haslam, & Swaab, 2005). As such, social identification provides the basis for psychological meaningfulness related to group life. However, its processes are also operationalised as mechanisms for sustaining identity-relevant behaviour through intragroup processes(Hogg, Abrams, Otten, & Hinkle, 2004).
Thus, an important aspectofapplying a social identity perspective to the topic of sport-related drinking is that it offers a coherent and explanatory framework for how social identity processes come to the fore, and may be utilised (either overtly or implicitly), to underpin consumptive behaviours in this context. When considering the significance of intragroup relations within sport, the social identity approach offers a fresh perspective in terms of the importance of identity and social influence contributing to sport-related behaviours(Rees et al., 2015).Moreover, sport researchers have lamented a lack of theoretically and conceptual frameworks for sport-related drinking that may be required to understand better this issue(Green et al., 2014; Palmer, 2011; Zhou & Heim, 2014). In order to address to this caveat, the present qualitative design and analysis adopts a social identity perspective to provide a theory-led examination of sportspeople’s narratives around sport-related drinking.
The current study
With a view to complementing the preponderance of quantitative sport and alcohol research (Biddle, 1997;Dowdall & Wechsler, 2002), the purpose of the present qualitative study was to utilise open-ended questioning andthematic analysis to examine sportspeople’s drinking from participants’own perspective (Willig, 2013). Our approach draws on insights from social identity research (e.g.,Bruner, Dunlop, Beauchamp, & Eys, 2014; Haslam et al., 2009; Livingstone & McCafferty, 2015)to addresses the significanceof socially bounded behaviours such as drinking by shifting the emphasis to group-level influences. Specifically, we argue that the interaction between sports group membership and alcohol use within this context are a result of strategic social identity processes.
Applying a social identity approach to the issue addressed by the study, therefore, begets the need for this a priori theory to emerge from descriptive narratives of participants’ own experiences. In this way, a constructivist approach – studying participants as interactive subjects within their environment and among each other – provides a methodology that allows for an in-depth examination of how sports participants experience, recall and give meaning to their alcohol behaviours(Lincoln & Guba, 1985).Thus the theoretical framing of the study and the analysis align participants’ narratives with social identity interpretations in order to derive theoretical meaning to sportspeople’s alcohol behaviours(Hayes, 1997). In summary, the objective of the study was to identify qualitatively how social identity processes operate to influence engagement (or disengagement) withalcohol use among student sportspeople.
METHODS
Participants
Research participants comprised of a diverse group of 22 university sporting individuals (12, male, 10 female)recruited from the sameuniversity in the North West of England, whichresulted in a cohort of similar age and ethnicity (mean age = 20.41 years, SD = 2.02; 95% Caucasian).The aim of the study was to explore a social identity framing of sport group membership and alcohol behaviours. To achieve this, participants were recruitedfrom a range of sports clubs/societies in order to examine the group-level processes that occur due to sport group membership, and not exclusive to sport-type or activity.Twelve participants (male = 6) were recruited from team sports clubs (rugby, football, hockey, volleyball) and 10 participants (male = 6) from individual sports clubs (squash, badminton, swimming). Through the recruitment process, we sought to accrue a distinct profile of participants, i.e., no participant matched on age, gender, and sporting activity. The majority of the cohort indicated participating in their chosen sport at a social/club level (n = 18), with four individuals competing at county level. Seven individuals were involved with their sport group in leadership roles. Within the cohort, one participant did not partake in regular alcohol consumption and identified as a non-drinker (male, 21 years, badminton player). In addition, one participant(male, 21, years) identified as both an individual sports player (badminton) and a team sports player (football), and therefore discussions included his experiences with both sporting groups.
Procedure
Following institutional ethical approval, recruitment of prospective participants took place at sports centres and grounds. A female researcher in her mid-twenties conducted the recruitment and subsequent one-on-one interviews. Participants granted permission for the recording and transcription of the interview before the commencement of each session.During transcription, pseudonyms replaced references to names or places to uphold anonymity.
Open-ended questions aided by a semi-structured interview guide (Turner, 2010) exploredparticipants’ sports group membership and personal experiences with drinking, and the interaction between the two, and encouraged narratives about how and why alcohol was consumed. The interviewer prompted participants to expand on their answers when referring to social experiences or interactions perceived to influence their drinking behaviours. Questions often included probes, such as “can you explain why?” and “what does that mean?” in order to fully elucidate participant’s descriptions(Braun & Clarke, 2013). The interviews typically lasted between 30-40 minutes (mean = 32.50, SD= 5.50), and upon completion the participants received £10 compensation for their time.
Data analysis
QSR NVivo was utilised to analyse verbatim interview transcripts. Thematic analysiswas chosen as a flexible research tool to describe patterns across qualitative data (Braun & Clarke, 2006). Moreover, this qualitative methodology allows prior theoriesand deductive research aims to guide analysis, rather than solely by the data collected (Hayes, 1997;Willig, 2013). The stages of our theoretically led analysis were structured in-line with Braun and Clarke’s (2006)six-phase methodology for thematic analysis.
Themeswere determined by following the careful reading and re-reading of the data(Rice & Ezzy, 1999) and collating semantic similarities across the entire dataset (i.e., not withindata specific to one individual) where clusters of text captured meaningful descriptions related to sport group perceptions and the alcohol behaviours associated with them.Guided by our research aims, we categorised these reoccurring experiences, behaviours and narratives in terms of the central organising theoretical concepts in the social identity perspective. Instances ofincongruous narratives were used to helprework our themes through facilitatingdeeper analytical iterations and thematic organising(Seale & Silverman, 1997). Specifically, similarities and differences between groups of data were used to indicate areas of consensus and conflict among responses to the questioning. Through careful interrogation and integration of apparent divergent cases, we were able to refine the thematic structure to definethe central organising concepts of each theme that could make sense of both consensual and disparate items.