VEDIC ECONOMY
History – 1.5.1.2
The search for the history of northern part of South Asia between c.1500-and the 600 B.C.E is predominantly centred round the interpretations from the Vedic texts. This is both because the rich information available in the Vedic literature tends to attract the historians and also because the data on the society covered in the literature remain as yet distinct from the contemporary archaeological evidence. However, attempts have been made by scholars recently to compare and correlate the geographical and material descriptions contained in this literature with the archaeological complexes associated with the Ochre Coloured Pottery and the Painted Grey Ware Cultures. Although these correlations are yet to be completely satisfactory, it can be said with a definite degree of certainty that the Vedic culture, especially its later phase was contemporary and spatially close to the PGW culture.
Although circulated in oral form over the centuries, the Vedic literature contains significant information regarding socio – economic and political histories of Vedic society. The Rig Veda (c.1500-1000 B.C.E.) reflecting the material milieu of the early Vedic period is not only the earliest Indian literature but also the earliest extant literary product of the Indo-European languages. Gleanings from the three later Samhitās(Sāma, Yajur, Atharva), the Brāhmaṇa and the Āryaṇyaka literature, compared and supplemented by archaeological evidence indicate that significant changes occurred in later Vedic times (c.1000-600 BCE.).
The Ṛig Veda refers to various tribes settled in the region between the river valleys south of the Hindukush to the Indus and its tributaries - the rivers of the Punjab and the now extinct Sarasvati. The area was described in the text as saptasindhavah- an area washed by the river Indus, its five eastern tributaries, Vitastā (Jhelum), Vipasa (Beas), Ashikni (Chenab), Irāvatī (Ravi) and Śatadru (Sutlej) as well as the now extinct Sarasvatī. The Sindhu or Indus and the Sarasvatī were given the epithet ‘nadītamā’ or ‘ambitamā’. The most significant tone regarding the material milieu noticeable in the Vedic ambience is the astonishing lack of urbanity when compared with the earlier civilization of the Harappans. The literature in fact carried a tone of hostility towards urbanism. The chief warrior and king of the Gods – Indra was hailed as ‘Purandara’ – the One who destroyed Puraor urban settlements. This tone throws some light on the basic conditions of Vedic economy too. It was predominantly pastoral in nature and based primarily on cattle domestication. Numerous verses were in effect prayers to the various gods of the Vedic pantheon for boon of cattle wealth and for swift horses – the animal domesticated and put to rigorous use by the Vedic people.
Scholars point out that the Ṛig Vedic economy was predominantly, if not exclusively pastoral since out of the total verses only a few refer to agriculture, and significantly enough, most of these belong to the later portions - that is in the Mandalas I, IX and X. The predominance of cattle as wealth and item of sustenance is illustrated in the various commonly used social terms, which were linguistic derivatives from the root ‘gau’. R.S. Sharma has drawn attention to this fact. Measures of time included godhuli(dusk) and samgava(morning), measures of area / distance included gavyutiand gocharman. The daughter was duhitṛi(she who milks cows). Words for war with the prefix ‘gau’ – such as gaviṣṭi, gaveṣaṇā, goṣuand gavya– suggest that the mainstay of their life was the possession of cattle and many battles were fought among tribes which were in effect cattle raids. Social status or denominations were also conceived in terms of the cattle – so that the tribal chief was known as janasyagopaand a wealthy person was known as gomat (owner of cattle). Gojit(winner of cows) was the word for a hero.
One of the epithets of the god Indra was gopati(lord of the cattle). Wealth was denoted in terms of heads of cattle, and the cow had a special status as the procurer of progeny. Animal pens rich in cattle, sheep and steeds have been described in an allegorical reference to aerial and real cattle-stalls. The cow was also the unit of exchange. A man’s life was often calculated to be worth a hundred cows (śatadeya). The animal gained religious sanctity and was sacrificed on the more auspicious occasions, its flesh being eaten on specified occasions in association with rituals, or when welcoming a guest.
The condemnation of the arbitrary killing of cows would point to their ritual importance. Later on the horse too acquired exchange value and religious status. Its sacrifice was symbolic of fertility and power, but its flesh was not eaten. The horse appears to have accrued more value than the cow due to less availability in the context of the moving bands of the Vedic people into the river valleys of the Punjab and also because of its extreme importance in leading actions and tribal wars, which were getting more and more complex. Within South Asia, Afghanistan and Sind were the only terrains where horses of good quality could be bred, while the ecological conditions were very favourable for cattle breeding throughout the region. Economic transactions or wealth sharing took place probably on more egalitarian and popular tribal modes. The reference to the institution of Vidatha as a primitive tribal assembly with distributive role might have provided that mode. Cattle wealth provided the first footing to socio-political hierarchy.
Throughout the long time that the early Vedic phase evolved there was a gradual growth and adoption of farming practices. Scholars have drawn attention to the many references to agricultural activity in the Ṛig Veda and argue that, although adopted and developed late, it was by no means marginal.
The verbs vap(to sow) and kriṣ(to cultivate) occur, along with references to various agricultural implements, phalā, lāṅgala, and sīraor śunāsīrawere words for the plough, which were described as made from the wood of the hard trees like udumbaraand Khadira. Other implements included the hoe (khanitra), sickle (dātra, sṛni), and axe (paraśu, kulisa). The word kṣetra had a range of meanings, including a cultivated field. Hymns refer to the agricultural activities like levelling of fields for cultivation, and laying furrows. Prayers were for fertile fields (urvarā), and furrows (sitā) drenched by rain, producing rich harvests.
The only terms for cereals generally referred in the Ṛig Veda were yava (barley or a generic term for cereal) and dhanya (rice or a generic term for cereals). There are references to seed processing, food prepared from cereals, and large jars that were probably used to store grains. The terms Kṣetra, Kṣetrapati and Kīnāśa indicate the gradual transition into sedentary life, adaptation to farming on land and emergence of man-land relationships. Although the term Kṣetrapati initially referred to the guardian - deity of the cultivation field, it soon became the epithet for possessor of lands. The region where these transitions occurred lay in the upper valleys of the five rivers of Punjab.
In the Ṛig Veda manḍala III the two rivers Beas and Sutlej were praised for providing fertility to the adjacent are facilitating bountiful farming. Some basic kinds of irrigation devices were also vaguely referred, like the term ‘kulyā’ clearly indicates man-made water channels. There was a clear reference to the digging of canals with spade. Fields were important and required protection from both natural forces and human aggression and hence hymns were offered for protection of fertile fields and water courses along with the beloved sons, grandsons and the essential wealth – the cattle.
Indra, the chief God,described as the protector of crops, winner of fertile fields (urvarajit), and as the one who showers such fields on those who performed sacrifices to him,was beseeched for the grant of rich fields. These were the indirect pointers to the fact that contests now occurred not only for cattle, but also for land. A Ṛig Veda śukta provides some description of the process of cultivation. The verse throws light on how the men ploughed the furrows with the śunā and sīrā and oxen.
The reference to varied occupation groups reveal not only a complex and rich social paradigm but also the growth of an emerging handicraft sector even in the early days described in the Ṛig Veda. Hymns refer to warriors, priests, pastoral cattle breeders, farmers, hunters, barbers, and weavers. The crafts included chariot-making – by the rathakāra,, cart-making, carpentry – by takṣaka, metal working – by karmāra, melting of metals – by drāviṇa, leather tanning – by charmamṇā, the making of bows and arrows and bowstrings – by the iṣukāra, needle work by peśas, weaving by - vayatri , etc. Some of these occupations and crafts may have been the jobs of full-time specialists. The rise of social classes and the final divisions into varṇas would follow towards the end of the early phase.
There are hardly any direct references to metallurgical activities in the Rig Veda. However the term ayas occurs in several contexts, many of which tend to mythicize the use of metals. References were made to the thunderbolt of Indra, which was purported to be made of ayas; the chariot of the gods, Mitra and Varuṇa, which were said to possess columns of ayas; and the home of Indra and Soma were envisioned as made of ayas. Commonplace references also clear the doubts about the prevalence of some metallic items in contemporary culture.Here too the most conspicuous is the reference in the family books to the cities of Dasyus’ made of ayas, even forts of ayas. This is interesting because the ‘Dasyu’ was a term indicating some non-Vedic community. The use of non-ferrous metals in contemporary chalcolithic communities in the region is well documented by archaeological investigations. The practice of metal works among the Vedic people themselves becomes clarified with a few distinct tools mentioned in the Rig Veda: viz., the kshura (razor), khāḍi (maybe a bangle), and asi/ svadhiti (axe). But it is not clear precisely which metal was referred by the term ‘ayas’.
Metal processing through some manner of smelting was described in the Ṛig Veda manḍala IV in an allegory. A hymn drew a simile between the cleansing of social and moral impurities through the action of good deeds in a person’s life and the purification of ayas from raw state.
The medieval commentator Sāyana explained this reference ... “As the smiths heat metal using bellows”. There are a few references in the Ṛig Veda to the words dham and karmāra, implying the sound of metals produced during processing and the metal worker, respectively. But these occur in the later books IX and X, and it is far from certain whether they refer to iron-welding or iron smiths.Ayas could have meant copper, copper-bronze, or may have been a generic term for metals. However, correlations with existing archaeological data in the Painted Grey Ware complex - from the region generally described in the Ṛig Veda - indicate the possibility of minor beginnings of iron technology only towards the end of the early phase. The PGW complex in this context is generally dated to around the 1000 B.C.E.
The primarily pastoral Rig Vedic society had hardly produced the necessary surplus for purposes of trade. Cattle wealth would have been the main merchandise and the cow the primary medium of exchange. Internal transactions of sale and purchase were mostly in barter. The world niṣka seems to have meant ‘a piece of gold’ or ‘gold necklace’, and there is no indication of the use of coins in this early stage. Prayers were offered to the gods for provision of ‘broad paths to travel’ and to ensure a safe journey – but this was to ensure safety for both pastoralists and traders.
Mention was made of chariots and carts drawn by oxen, mules, or horses for communication on land and to boats (nau) as water transport. However, the reference to the ocean by the term samudra is doubtful. A verse in the Rig Veda Manḍala I (1.116.3) refers to the Aśvins rescuing Bhujya in the ocean with the help of a ship with a hundred oars (śatāritra). Another in Manḍala X refers to the eastern and western oceans. There is every possibility that the word samudra was used in the sense of the turbulent waters at the mouth of the great rivers or specifically the Indus itself.
There is hardly any reference to a mercantile class within the Vedic society. The only reference to the occupation of exchange is related to the community denoted as the Paṇi. The term Pani (literally, ‘those who possessed wealth’) is used to refer to a certain people who by description seem to have been of a different social and anthropological community. In some instances the text referred to the pani as merchants and as stingy people who did not perform sacrifices and hid their wealth. Scholars have suggested that these were a non-Vedic people comprising of the merchant class, who probably controlled exchange in the early days. Conflicts between the Vedic people and the Paṇi have been mentioned. Many suggestions to identify the Paṇi with a non-Aryan tribe, or Babylonians, Phoenicians and Egyptians have been offered.
What comes out clearly from the verses was the fact that the Paṇi constituted a class of people, conducting trade and business, whose approach to exchange deals did not endear them to the Vedic people. It also becomes clear that the Ṛig Vedic people were not adept at trading and exchange economy. The Paṇi were blamed for stealing and hiding the cattle in numerous references. There was the famous reference to the dog of Indra – Saramā pursuing the Paṇito recover the cattle stolen by them. Their hoards of wealth in horses and cattle have been mentioned. However, the reference to the paṇi as a community of traders, headed by Bṛbhu - their leader, who was praised for his bounty, generosity and piety (RV, VI, XLV, 31 – 33.), and was located on the banks of the Gaṅgā, clarifies the prevalence of a special community of traders in the early days.
Although these references to the Paṇi as the ‘other’ signified the Vedic people’s unfamiliarity with trading etc., the evidence from the Later Vedic texts reveal a gradual adoption of the occupation as well as absorption of these communities within the Vedic society with time.
The concept of wealth in a material sense was quite clearly implied in the terms like ‘gomat’ or ‘Maghavan’ referring to wealthy persons. Cattle were the primary wealth and land was added to the category later. The most common term for wealth was ‘rayi’ which denoted objects to be given over to others; ‘dhanam’ was the term implying pleasure associated with wealth; ‘draviṇam’ described the action of the people rushing towards it; and ‘magham’ referred to the inclination to charity.
As far as accumulation and exchange of wealth is concerned the most important institution to observe would be to the garnering of wealth in the form of revenue, which would indicate the emergence of a politico – economic structure. All previous studies have emphasized upon the fact that in the early phase, obligatory taxes were absent and the chieftain received voluntary gift from the people, – the term baliin the Rig Veda conveying this sense. However anthropological studies, pioneered by Marcel Mauss on gift exchanges in simple societies, have shown that such “gifts” were actually strictly obligatory and governed by conventions that had to be observed.
It was not the individual but groups (families, clans, tribes) who made the exchanges and were bound by their obligations. Such exchanges – known as prestations, not only involved material goods of economic value, they also involved the exchange of other things such as courtesies, entertainments, military assistance, ritual, women, children, dances, feasts, and hospitality. The rules of the game in gift exchange are different from the logic that operates in ordinary sorts of economic exchanges. The offering, receiving, and reciprocating of gifts were acts that established and cemented social relationships and social hierarchies.
In the Rig Veda, apart from references to voluntary contributions or balifrom the viśah to the tribal chiefs or rājā/rājanya, the priests received dāna (ritual gifts) and dakṣiṇā (sacrificial fees) at the conclusion of sacrificial rituals from the yajamāna, often the king or chief. War booty was a major source of wealth, as was cattle and gradually land and produce from land. Distribution of wealth was a major activity through the collective assemblies like the Vidatha. Although the descriptions of the institution of Vidatha convey an idea of egalitarianism and representation, there were indications of the development of hierarchy both in terms of socio- political authority and possession of wealth.
The references to wealthy people and those worthy of attending the assemblies suggest difference in wealth and rank. The composition of the Puruṣasūkta in the later part of the Ṛig Vedic phase indicate this gradual emergence of hierarchy of the society, with the brāhmaṇa and the rājanya claiming precedence over the producing classes. The dānastuti hymns of the Ṛig Veda reveal the possibility that the status of the first two varṇasgot reinforced through these rituals.