Mississippimusings:Freedomsummerrevisited, by Mike Miller.Socialpolicy,Fall 1994

Mississippimusings:Freedomsummerrevisited, by Mike Miller.Socialpolicy,Fall 1994

MississippiMusings:FreedomSummerRevisited, by Mike Miller.SocialPolicy,Fall 1994.

OnasultrydaythisJuly,IrentedacarinNewOrleansandheadedfor"MississippiHomecoming1994—FreedomSummer1964Revisited."In1963,theyearbeforethebig"SummerProject,"IwasaSNCCfieldsecretaryintheMississippiDeltatownofGreenwood—population20,000.Now,31yearslater,Iwasback,alongwith600-700others (mostlynorthernwhites)whohadcomeintheSummerof1964,forareunioninJackson,theStateCapitol.

FourdaysaftertheHomecomingwasover,Iaddedaprivatejourneyintothepast.IdrovebyRev.AaronJohnson'sFirstChristianChurch,thefirstGreenwoodchurchopentomassmeetings.

IfoundEdCochranathisliquorstoreandhotel(nowburnedout)intheheartoftheGreenwoodghetto.WhenSNCCworkerswerethrowninjail,Cochrancouldbedependedontobailthemout.Heusedhispropertyto"postbond,"andwhenthatwasn'tenoughhecameupwithcash.Ichattedwithhimandhiscustomersabouthowthingsare.Cochrantoldmehisconcernsabouttheyouth."Theydon'tknowwhateverybodydidinthe'60s,"helamented."Theythinkit'shardnow;theydon'tknowwhatitwaslike."SimilartootherswithwhomIspoke,hewasworriedaboutthecombinationofdrugs,randomviolenceandcrimethatplagueAfrican-AmericanyouthinGreenwood.

"Nowork,"wasonecustomer'sresponsetomyquestionabouthowthingsaregoing.He'dcomehomeaftergettinglaidoffbyHoneywellinMinneapolis,whenthecompany wentthrougha"downsizing."Hesaiditwasimpossibleforsomeonelikehim,Black,middle-agedandwithoutacollegedegree,togetworkinMinneapolis.Themajorcompanieshadalllaidpeopleoff."It'seasiertobepoorinGreenwood,"anothersaid.IntheDelta,family,neighborsandsmall-townlifearemoresupportivethannorthernurbanBlackneighborhoods.Still,African-AmericanunemploymentinLefloreCountyin1990was18.3percent—doublewhatit was in 1960. At least on this score, things are worse now.

Underlyingtheconversationswasdeeppessimism.Iaskedpeople,"Whatcanbedoneaboutthedepressingconditions?"Theresponse:ashakeoftheheadaccompaniedbyaquiet"don'treallyknow."

Now,"Whatcanbelearnedfromthepast?",and"Whatistobedonetoday?"arequestionsstalkingveteransofTheMovement.(Westillsayitasifitwereapropername.)

TheMississippiCommunityFoundation(MCF),hostforthereunion,wasfoundedintheaftermathoftheHollywoodhit,"MississippiBurning,"whichcausedastormofangeramongveteransofthesoutherncivilrightsmovement.Outrageously,thefilmportrayedanFBIagentasaheroofthecivilrightsstruggle,whiletheFBIhadeitherdonenothingorprovidedinformationtosouthernpolice—whobeatandjailedthousandsofMovementactivists.ThepoliceoftenwereintheKuKluxKlan.SeveralformerSNCCpeoplewenttoHollywood,metwithstudioexecutivesandobtainedanagreementfromoneofthestudiostomakeamovie(nowintheworksasamajorHollywoodproduction)fromTheMovement'spointofview.Duringthesameperiod,afriendlyproducerproposedafilmtoSNCC'sBobMosesabouttheMississippiProject.Thetwothingscametogether.MCFwascreatedtoreceiveincomefromamovieonMississippithatwouldheshapedbyMovementveterans—incomethatwouldmakepossibleapermanentvehiclefortellingtheMississippistory.Beforeinvitingourreturn,MCFhadgatheredlocalMovementveterans.Nowthefoundationwasgatheringthelargergroupofthosewhohadbeeninvolvedin1964.

Memories

Atthereunionwelearnednewthingsaboutthepast.AvolunteerdiscoveredthatinMileston,wherehehadworked,anelaboratesystemhadbeensetupbylocalBlackstoguardthevolunteers.InanothersmallDeltatown,Blackguyswhohadhungaroundthefreedomhouse,andwhothevolunteersthoughtofasderelicts,turnedoutalsotohavebeenguards.FormostMississippiBlacks,nonviolenceappliedtopicketlinesanddemonstrations,butself-defenseappliedwhereonelivedorworked.

Snapshots:OnevolunteerrememberedalittleBlackgirl'shandinherown,andthegirlsayingtoher,"myhand'sdirty,isn'tit?"Asthevolunteertoldthestory30yearslater,itstillbroughttearstohereyes.Allofusrememberedbeingcalled"Mister"and"Miss"—evenbypeoplethreetimesourage—andhowharditwastogetlocalpeopletocallusbyourfirstnames.Thecompromise,inmycase,was"MisterMike."

SightingaStateHighwayPatrolcarledmeautomaticallytoslowdown—eventhoughIwasdrivingatthespeedlimit.Idiscoveredothersreactedtothecopswithfearaswell.ThenwelaughedatourselveswhenanAfrican-Americanstatetrooperpassedby.WhenwewereherebeforeMississippipolicewereourenemy.

AgroupofvolunteersreturnedtoHattiesburg,wherethewhitemayorproclaimed"FreedomSummerDay."ElevenBlackwomen—allformerfreedomschoolstudents—metthevolunteersinasmallBlackchurch—theschool'sformersite.Eachoftheeleventoldtheirstories,andhowthefreedomschoolshadchangedtheirlives.Inretrospect,wesawthatsensitivewhites,workinginaBlack-ledmovement,couldcontributetoteachingBlackpride.

Therewerebadmemoriesaswell.InTchula,threeofushadbeenrunofftheroad.Thepolicekeptmycar,andworse—despiteeffortsbyNAACPlawyerstoregainthem—myfiles.Thelocalhospitalrefusedtotreatus.Thetown'sAfrican-AmericanundertakersavedmylifebyputtingusinhishearseanddrivinganhourtotheUniversityHospitalinJacksonwhereweweretreated.Eventhathospitalhaditsscaryside.Iwasusedbyoneofthedoctorstoillustrateapointofmedicalethics:"EventhoughwemaydisagreewithwhythispatientishereinMississippi,"hesaidtoobservingstudents,"wemuststilltreathimwithmedicalobjectivity."

Perhapsmostimportant,wewereremindedthatTheMovementinMississippiemergedfromacontextofstruggle.ToomanystoriesofSNCCfailtoacknowledgethecrucialroleoflocalBlackcommunityleaderswhoinvitedBobMosesandSNCCtoworkinthestate.IthinkIfailedtorealizeatthetimehowimportantitwasthatagroupofMississippiBlacks,mostofthemlinkedtooneanotherbytheirmembershipinlocalchaptersoftheNAACP,openedthedoorsforSNCCworkersinthestate.ManyofthemwereveteransfromWorldWarIIwhohadatasteofequaltreatmentfromEuropeanwhiteswhentheywerepartofthe armythatliberatedEurope.Afterdischarge,ratherthanleavingthestate,theystayed—determinedtostrugglefordemocracyinMississippiastheyhadfoughtforitinEurope.ChuckMcDew,anearlychairofSNCC,saidatthetime,"Wewhohavestruggledtomaketheworldsafefordemocracymustnowstruggletomakedemocracysafefortheworld."TheselocalBlacksdirectedBobMoses,inhisinitialvisitstothestate,awayfromsit-insorfreedomridesand,instead,towardvoterregistration.ItwastheywhowereinvolvedinearlystrategizingforwhatcametobetheSNCCMississippiProject.Incontemporaryorganizingparlance,thelocalleaderswere"sponsors."Theyplayedtheroleoflegitimizingtheorganizingeffortbecausetheyweretrustedbythepeopletheprojectsoughttoinvolve.Youcan'tlandinacommunityandexpecttobewelcomed.Itisamistakethenorthernstudentmovement-initiatedmid-'60sorganizingprojectsmade—andalessonthatanyorganizerneedstolearn.

TheReunion

InMississippitodaytheworkforceinmotels,restaurantsandotherpublicplaceshasbeenintegrated.TheHolidayInnwheresomeofusstayedhada"WelcomeMississippiVolunteers"sign,andwewerecheckedinbyBlackandwhiteclerks.TheJacksonClarionLedger,whichcalledus"communists"and"outsideagitators"in1964,noweditoriallycommented,"…thosewhoknewfirsthandaboutthevotingrightsstruggle30yearsagopointedoutthatthereismuchtodointhe1990stoseethosegainsarenotlostorforgotten….TheolderandwiserFreedomSummerparticipantsissuedacalltoanewgenerationofMississippiansto…worktobuilduponthosefoundations."Onmattersofrace,thestatemoreorlesslooksliketherestofthecountry—thoughthedesertionofwhitesfromthepublicschoolsafterintegrationwasgreaterthanelsewhere,andpocketsoffearandviolenceremain.

Ourcomingtogetheragainwasabitter-sweettime.JanHillegas,whoremainedinMississippi,wroteanopenlettertothereturningvolunteers:"[I]nthesixtieswedreamedofabelovedcommunity,andthenwewentourseparatewaysandrarelylookedback.Idoknowthatwetalkedaboutparticipatorydemocracyandthenspentmuchofourtimecountingregistered voters and African-American officeholders.” Asiftoconfirmherpoint,amajorthemeofthereunionwashowtoretaintheseofficeholdersinoffice.Apanelwasdevotedtothesubject.Forgoodreason, somefearthat theendof theSecondReconstruction isnear andthatmetropolitangovernment,asmallerstatelegislaturewithlargerdistricts,andotherformsofconsolidatedgovernmentwilleliminatemanyBlackelectedofficials.HillegasomitsthefactthatmanywholeftMississippicontinuedelsewhereinthestruggle—andoftenwerethekeypeopletomaintainwhateverfragilerelationshipsmighthaveexistedbetweenBlacks,otherpeopleofcolor,andwhitesintheirlocalcommunities.

Manywhocamehadworkedinvoterregistration,freedomschoolsandcommunitycenters.Formost,ithadbeentheirfirstexperienceworkingwithBlacks,letalonethepoorBlacksoftheBlack-beltcountieswheretheyweresent.Whentheyrevisitedthetownswheretheyhadworked,somemetformerfreedomschoolstudentswhoarenowcitycouncilmembers,mayorsandchiefsofpolice.Allspokeofhowthefreedomschoolshadopenedtheirmindstothepossibilityofbeingfirst-classcitizens.

SomewenttoRulevilletopaygravesitehomagetoFannieLouHamer,theeloquentspokeswomanoftheMississippiMovement,whohadbeenfiredfromherjobonaplantationbecauseshesoughttoregistertovote.Rulevilleisalsothesiteofmyfavoriteorganizingstory.InAugustof1963,Iwasata"massmeeting"(evenifthereweretenpeoplepresent,wecalledthemmassmeetings)inasmallBlackchurchthere.Amaninhisseventiesgotup,raisinghisarmtoshoulderheight,whilehislowerarmdroppedtoarightangle."TheycallyouFreedomRiders'outsideagitators,'"hesaidinatremblingvoice.Thenhestartedrotatinghislowerarmbackandforth."Igotanold-stylewashingmachineinmyhouse.It'sgotathinginitgoesbackandforth like my arm.Theycallsthatthingan'agitator.'Youknowwhatitdoes?"heasked.Heleftadramaticpause,thenansweredhisquestion."Itgetsthedirtout."Hesatdown.I'veneverbeenafraidtobecalledanagitatorsince.

Thedesignofourgatheringleftmuchtobedesired.Ithadtoomanyforumswith"leaders"talkingtooratus;nolocalleaderswhowerestillinthetrenches.Whydidn'ttheplannersjustcreategroupsof20peopleeach—somefromthenorth,somefromMississippi—andletthemtelltheirstoriestooneanother?

WhatIconcludedfromtheinformaltimeIspentwithpeopleisthatmostarestill"inthestruggle,"asweusedtowriteattheendourletterstooneanother.Whethertheyareteachers,publichealthworkers,lawyers,tradeunionists,realtors,artdealers,communitydevelopers,electedofficials,photographers,writers,theyarestillinvolved.Afewevenhaveremainedorganizers.Whatevermostofthemaredoing,theyarestillplayingtheirpartonbehalfofsocialandeconomicjustice.Noyuppiesorbuppieshere.Notevenanyrealsell-outs.

Asalwaysthecase,singingwasahighlight.TheFreedomSingerssangandwesangwiththem.MusicwasoneofthemagicalthingsofTheMovement.WhenitlookedlikeaSNCCstaffmeetingwouldblowupininternalconflict,itwaslimetocircleroundandsingfreedomsongs.Whenspiritswererunninglowinlocalcommunities,youcouldalwayscountonFannie Lou Hamer, Hollis Watkins, Sam Block, Willie (now Wazir) and James Peacock,

anddozensofotherstoleadusinamassmeetingwith"WeShallNotBeMoved"or"Ain'tGonnaLetNobodyTurnMeAround."Andaswesang,webelieved;aswebelieved,weacted.

WhitesinSNCC

TheStudentNonviolentCoordinatingCommitteewentintoMississippiwhenalmostnooneelsewaswillingtodoso.Forthemoreestablishednationalorganizations,Mississippiwasnotapriority.Itwouldfalllast,saidtheleaders.Still,therewerelocalBlackswhohadbravelyresistedsegregation,afewpubliclyandmanymoreinthesmallprivatewaysthatwereavailablewithin(atleastontheissueofrace)this policestate.In1961,aftervisitingmanyofthosewhowereleadersoflocalNAACPchaptersorwhowereotherwiseidentifiedasBlackswillingtofightforequalrights,SNCC'sBobMosesstartedthefirstvoterrightsprojectinMcComb.

SNCCfieldsecretaries(joinedin1963byCORE—theCongressofRacialEquality)workedforalmostthreeyearswiththecourageousfewwhowouldtakethephonyliteracytesttoregistertovote.Theireffortswerealmostfruitless.AfewthousandofthehundredsofthousandsofeligibleBlacksinMississippiwereregistered.Ahighpricewaspaidbythosewhosoughttoregister:somewerekilled;morewerebeaten;manylostjobsorhomesorboth;churchesthatallowedcivilrightsmeetingsinthemwerebombedandburned.Whileafragilemovementinfrastructurewasslowlybeingbuilt,ledbylocalBlacksandaidedbyBlackSNCCworkersfromMississippiandelsewhere,therewaslittlereasontothinkthingswouldchange.TheJusticeDepartment,FBIandthePresident,showedlittleinclinationtobreakthemassiveresistanceofthestate'sDemocraticPartystructure.

In1962and1963,beforeanyonethoughtoftheSummerProject,thepresenceofwhitesintheDeltawasasubjectofdebatewithinSNCC.BobMoses,theorganization'sMississippiprojectdirector—whohadseentheescalationofviolenceagainstlocalBlackswhenwhiteMovementsupportershadtraveledinthearea—opposedwhitesbeingthere.GreenwoodprojectleadersSamBlockandWillieMcGeehadinvitedmethepreviousDecemberwhentheywereonafund-raisingtourtotheSanFranciscoBayArea,whereIwasthelocalSNCCrep.NationaldirectorJimFormanalsosupportedtheidea.Block,FormanandMoseshuddledforawhileandagreedthatDickFreyandIcouldstay—butthatwewouldhavetobeveryinconspicuous.AllofuswereinGreenwoodfortheJuly4week-end"DeltaFolkJubilee,"aconcertwithSNCC'sFreedomSingers,TheoBikel,BobDylanandPeteSeeger,heldatthefarmofLauraMcGeewholikeotherBlackswhoownedapieceoflandhadamarginofindependencefromthelocalpowerstructure.Twohundredpeopleattended,withabouthalfthatmanycopsandhighwaypatrolsurroundingtheplace,recordinglicenseplatenumbersandtakingphotosofusall.

Bythenextyear,BobMoseshadchangedhismindonthepresenceofwhites.Thekillingofonelocalcivilrightsleaderafteranother,withnoactionbythefederalgovernmenttoprotectthem,triggeredhisconclusion.AstheSNCCMississippistaffmetinthesecondoftwo1963GreenvillemeetingstodebatewhetherornottohavetheSummerProject,LewisAllenwas killed in Liberty,

Mississippi.ThestoryofhisdeathbeganayearearlierwiththekillingofanotherlocalBlack.HerbertLeewasan"uppitynigger";hehaddaredtotrytoregistertovoteandwaskilledbyhisRepresentativeinthestatelegislatureforseekingtobeafirst-classcitizen.Allenhadwitnessedthekilling.Thoughhehadn'ttestifiedatthetrial—hisfearwastoogreat—hehadqualmsofconscienceandmadeitknownthathewouldbewillingtotestifyifheandhisfamilycouldbeprotected.Henevergotthechance.AsMoseslatersaid,"Thatwasit.ItwasmydecisionthatwehadtobringthecountrytoMississippi."Oncehetookadefinitestand,hecommandedsomuchrespectthattheorganizationfollowed—withsomestillinopposition.TheinvitationtocometoMississippimetapromptandoverwhelmingresponsefromalmost2,000students—alongwithsomelawyers,healthprofessionals,teachers,building-tradespeopleandothers.Afterscreeningandnormaldroppingout,about800came.

ParticipationinMississippiSummerpermanentlychangedmostofthosewhowent.SociologistDougMcAdamwasabletostudytheimpactbycomparingapplicantstotheProject—thosewhowentwiththosewhodidnot.Allwereidealistswhentheyapplied,butwhenhevisitedthemsome25yearslatertheFreedomSummergroupwasstilldeeplyinvolvedinsomekindofsocialaction.Thosewhohadnotgoneweremuchmoretypicaloftheirbroaderagecohort.

BlackandWhiteTogether

Oneoftheversesof"WeShallOvercome,"anthemofTheMovement,said,"Blackandwhitetogether,now!'Butourtogethernesswasfragile.Wehadtoturnthenegativesofracismintopositives.Ifthecountrywouldpaymoreattentiontonorthern,middle-class,whitestudentsthantosouthernBlacks,thenSNCCwouldbringthosestudentstoMississippiandforcethefederalgovernment'shand.ThiswasthecoreconceptoftheSummerProject.Butby1963,manySNCCworkerswerejustifiablyangry. “TobeBlackandinAmerica,"asJamesBaldwinsaidatthetime,"istobeinacontinuousstateofrage."Withinthestate,theinfusionofthenorthernstudentswaslikelytoovercomethedevelopingBlackstaffleadership.ManySNCCstafffeltthattheywouldgetpushedaside.Infact,somelocalSNCCstaffhadalreadyexperiencedsomeofthephenomenonwithnorthernBlackstudentswhohadcomefromHoward,Fiskandothertopcollegesinthecountry.Theproblemsofclassandeducationwouldnowbecompoundedbytheaddeddimensionofrace.

Manywhitestudentswereill-preparedforthehostilitytheymetin"freedomhouses"—combinedofficesandlivingquartersforTheMovement—fromsomeBlackSNCCstaff.TheconfusionincreasedwhentheywerewelcomedbylocalBlackswhowerenotfull-timecivilrightsworkers.Somewhitescompoundedtheproblembytheirownsubtleandnot-so-subtleformsofelitism.Somewhowere"political"thoughttheywould"educate"The Movement.Others,lesspolitical,camewithanattitudeofwhitepaternalism.MostcametobepartofTheMovement—whichbythenhadgainedareputationofheroicproportionsonnortherncollegecampuses.

Whatevertheweaknessesofsomeittookcourageforalltocome,andtheydidn'texpecttobemetwithhostilitybythosewhomtheyhadhopedwouldbetheirsistersandbrothersinthe struggle. Things that were little to the northern whiteswouldsetoffareaction.Whenwhitevolunteerslaughedatapictureofthe300-poundHattiesburgregistrarofvoters,TheronLynd,Blackstaffwhoknewthefearheinspiredinhiscountywereshocked,angeredanddismayed.Theformerwereinsensitive;manyofthelatterweretoobittertoforgivetheinsensitivities.EvenastheMississippiSummerProjectcontributedtobreakingthewallsoflegalsegregationintheSouth'sbastionofresistance,itoftenresultedinbreaksbetweenyoungBlacksandwhiteswhoweretheshocktroopsofTheMovement.Italkedwithanumberofpeoplewhoalmostdidn'tcome;thememoriesweretoopainful.ThestrugglesbetweenBlacksandwhitesinsideTheMovementhadtakentheirtoll.

Butanothertruthtranscendedtheconflicts.AstheSummerof'64wenton,volunteersearnedtheirstripesbytheirwork,andgainedtherespectofBlackswhohadbeenunwillingtoworkwithanywhiteswhentheyhadfirstarrived.ForabriefperiodinMississippi,SNCCtranscendedtheracialchasminAmerica.Thatwecouldn'tsustainitasanorganizationsaysmoreaboutAmericathanaboutSNCC—thoughitistrueofboth.Anddespitetheorganizationalfailure,therelationshipsthatareenjoyedtothisdaybetweenBlackandwhiteMovementveteransstandagainstthegrainofmostofAmerica.

Thereunionwasatimeforhealing.TheveryfactthattheBlack-ledMCF extended theinvitationtothesummervolunteerswasthebeginningofthehealing.Anditcontinuedaswarmhugsandhandshakesweresharedbyall.Herewewere—mostalittlefatterandmanynowgray—allappearingtohaveprosperedwiththeyears.TheoldSNCCsymbolofaBlackandwhitehandshakecamealiveagain.

SNCC'sMississippiStrategyin1964andItsDefeat

SNCChadbeenabout"Blackpower"asearlyas1961whensomeofitsfieldsecretariesdecidedthatintegratinglunchcountersanddesegregatingbusterminalsweren'tenough—thatthebackoftheSouth'sracismhadtobebroken,andawaytobreakitwasthroughthevote.Norwasthevote,inandofitself,thoughttobeenough.SNCC'sstrategywastobuildlocalBlackorganizationsthatwouldbeabletoactindependentlyoftheDemocratic(orRepublican)Party.InMississippi,thisindependencewasexpressedintheMississippiFreedomDemocraticParty(MFDP).Becauseoftheirconnectionsinthenorth,thevolunteershelpedbuildanationalbaseofsupportfortheMFDP.TheSNCC-inspiredstrategy wasbrilliantinconceptionandsophisticatedinexecution.Buttonoavail.TheAtlanticCitydefeatwastheresultoftheapplicationofpoliticalpressureondelegatesbyPresidentJohnsonandhisagentinthematter,vice-presidentialcandidateHubertHumphrey.Whenthescrewswereturned,supportevaporated.

WhentheMFDP'schallengetotheseatingoftheracistDemocratsatthe1964DemocraticConventionwasdefeated,angerthathadbeenbuildingamongmanyBlacksinSNCCreachednewheightsandcreatedthecontextforthe"Blackpower"slogan.Thesloganwasbothpoliticalandpersonal.Forsome,itmeantvariousformsofBlacknationalism.ForothersitmeantrepeatingwhathistorybookssaidtheIrish,Italians,JewsandotherethnicgroupshaddoneinAmerica.ForsomeBlackpowermeanthostilitytowardallwhites,includingthosein SNCC. Thedefeatwastoofundamentaltobedealtwitheasily.SomeatthereunionconsideredMFDP'sdefeatanaccomplishmentinthatit"exposed"thedepthofthecountry'sracism.Butsocialmovementsdemandhopefortheirsustenance,andexposure—howeveraccurate—isnotenough.Withouthope,avisionandabelievablestrategy,exposureleadstodespairandwithdrawalortoindividualandsmallgroupactsofdestruction,as,forexample,bombingbanks—assomeMovementveteranslaterdid.

LessonsLearned

TheMississippiexperiencevividlyteachesthelimitsofelectoralpolitics.AtaliteraturetableatourconferencegroundsIboughttheSummer1992JournalofNegroHistory.TheissueisanhistoricalassessmentofBlackmayors,andseparatearticlesexamineMayorsHatcher(Gary),Goode(Philadelphia)andYoung(Atlanta).Thoughnottheissue'sthesis,onecannothelpbutconcludefromitsevidencethatintheabsenceofamassmovement,thereislittlethesemayorscoulddotoimprovethequalityoflifeofthevastmajorityoftheBlackpeopleoftheircities—nor,forthatmatter,ofthepoorandworkingclassofwhateverethnicityorrace.Thesamecan besaid ofthe 800-plus electedBlack officialsin Mississippi.In fact, itis nowgenerallyrecognizedthatwhite-ownedindustrywillnotlocateinthepredominantlyBlack-beltcountiesbecauseBlacksaretoolikelytounionizeandBlackelectedofficialsaretoosympathetictounionefforts.WithcapitalandotherresourcesincreasinglywithdrawnfromBlack-runcitiesandruralcommunities,Blackelectedofficialsarelefttopresideoverthedivisionofanever-shrinkingpie.Itisanimportantlesson,onethatSNCCknewintheorybutwasunabletoimplement.

Electoralpoliticsisbutonetacticofafreedommovement.Othersincludenegotiation,lobbying,disruption,boycotts,strikes,mutualaid(creditunions,co-ops,buyingclubs,supportgroups),communityeconomicdevelopment,memberbenefits(discountbuying,healthandretirementplans)anddirectservice.Eachisameanstowardsolvingspecificproblemsfacingpeople—hunger,housing,healthcare,childcare,employment,toxicwastedumps,educationandpublicservices;eachmaytrainpeopletoassumenewpositionsofresponsibilityandofferjobsfortheunemployed.

Thebroadlybasedorganizationisthenecessaryvehicleifthesetacticsand solutionstospecificproblemsaretobepartofbuildingsomethingbigger.Theorganizationbuildsasenseofcommunityand,throughit,peopleactwithpower,purpose,spiritanddignity.Withinsuchorganizationseducation,celebration,evaluation,trainingandreflectiontakeplace.Afreedommovementneedstobecomeeverlargerinitsgeographicscope,everdeeperinitslevelsofleadershipandbaseofsupport,andeverbroaderinitsconstituency.Otherwise,themoreremotecentersofpower(multinationals,thefederalgovernment,theInternationalMonetaryFundandbanks,tonameafewexamples),whichmustbemadeaccountabletotheinterestsofthepoor,workingandmiddleclasses,remainuntouched.Evenworse,asthemovementshrinks,astheface-to-facerelationshipsthatcancounteractmedia-hypedisappear,theveryelectedofficialswhoemergefromthemovementbecomeincreasinglydependentonwealthyindividualsandbigbusinesssourcesoffinancingfortheir(mediadominated)electoralcampaigns.

Welackedthesteel-strongdisciplinenecessarytoengageinthebattlewehadundertaken.TheSummerProject,andtheentrenchedpoweritsoughttochallenge,demandedthingsofSNCCthatwentbeyonditscourage,dedicationandbrilliance.SNCChadgoneintobattleessentiallyunarmed.Weweresupposedtobeanorganizationoforganizers—notthegrassrootsorganizationsthat,asorganizers,weintendedtobuild.SNCClackedaneffectivemechanismforscreening,recruiting,training,mentoringanddiscipliningnewstaff.SNCCgrewtoofast—fromabout20full-timeworkerstoover200inthreeyears.Therewasnowayforthebetterorganizerstomentorthosewiththepotentialtolearn.Wehadnowaytofirepeople,thustheystayedon.Theorganizationwastooopen—andsometookadvantage.SomeBlackswhoweremovedasidebynorthernwhitesshouldhavebeenmovedlongbeforethewhitesarrived.Otherscrackedunderthestressofthecontinuousthreatofviolence.ChuckMcDewcalledthem"thewalkingwounded."Post-traumaticstresssyndromehadnotyetbeennamed—butweknewitinTheMovement.JimFormanpaidspecialattentiontobringingmentalhealthprofessionalsintothestatetohelp.ButforsomeSNCCworkersitwastoolittle,toolate.

Werarelyaskedlocalpeopleformoney—neitherduesnoraregularmassfundraisingoperationwereestablished.Manythoughtitwasn'tpossible.ButatalmostthesametimeTheMovementwasgrowinginMississippi,CesarChavezwasorganizingtheNationalFarmWorkersAssociationinCalifornia—andaskingitsfarmworkermemberstopay$3.50permonthindues.WhennorthernliberalsstoppedsupportingTheMovementthrough"FriendsofSNCC,"itwastoolatetodevelopa"bottom-up"fundingstrategy.

Wefailedtoaccuratelyassessouradversaries,andtohaveanalternativeplan.MostofuswereunpreparedfortheoutcomeoftheFreedomDemocraticParty'sAtlanticCitychallenge.Wehadneitherpredicted,nordevelopedastrategybaseduponthepossibilityof,defeatatthehandsoftheDemocrats.Peoplewenthomebitter.AsubsequentJanuarychallengetotheHouseseatingofthenewlyelectedMississippiCongressmenmetsimilardefeat.Movementsarenotbuiltonsuchdefeats.Theideaof"contingencyplanning"—havingaplan"A,"andaplan"B,"oneforthepossibilityofvictory,theotherforthepossibilityofdefeat—wasnotinourlexicon.

Withthesefailures,wewereunabletosustainhope.Hopeiswhatenlivenedthe'60smovement:hopeforeverythingfrompavedandlightedstreetsandroadstoanendtotheplantationsystemthatkeptitsBlackworkforceinnearslavery.Hopewaskeptalivebythesharedcommunityofcommonstruggle.Whatevertheobjectiveoutcomeofamovement'seffort,aslongasitkeepsitselftogetherasacommunity,peoplewillfight.AsTheMovementsongsaid,"BeforeIbeaslave,I'llbeburiedinmygraveandgohometomyLordandbefree."SNCC,the"bandofbrothers(andsisterstoo),circleoftrust,"begantounravelaftertheDemocraticPartyConvention.SNCCcouldnotcontainitsbitterness;thehopebegantodisintegrate.

Nomatterhowbadtheobjectiveconditions,Nazideath-campsurvivorVictorFranklsaysinMan'sSearchforMeaning,wecanchooseourattitudetowardtheseconditions.Thisisour individual freedom. But the choice is conditioned, in part,bythecommunityofwhichoneis apart.Inthedeathcamps,peopleofcourageinspiredothers-hoping,inthiscase,fortheAlliedinvasion.Communists,socialists,ChristianandJewishmilitantsorganizedwithinthecamps.So,inMississippi.SNCCorganizersandstudentvolunteerswerethepeopleofcouragewhoinspiredhope.ThatiswhylargenumbersofpoorBlacksinthestatebecameinvolved.Buthopewasreplacedbybitterness,thecommunitydisintegratedandlittleofthatinvolvementbypoorBlacksremains.

Underlyingalltheseparticularlessonswasthegeneralone.Wefailedtodowhatwesaidwesoughttodo.Wedidn'tbuildlasting,democratic,autonomousgrassrootsorganizations.

SignsofHope

ItalkedwithformerSNCCandMFDPworkersHollisWatkinsandMikeSayerwho,alongwithLeroyJohnson,aretheprincipalsinSouthernEcho,arecentlycreatedvehicletohelpreviveorganizinginMississippi.Theystilltalkorganizing.Theytoldmethestoryoftheprimary electiontoreplaceCongressmanMikeEspywhenhewasappointedbyPresidentClintonasSecretaryofAgriculture.Mississippi'sSecondCongressionalDistrictcanelectaBlackbecauseofitsBlackmajorityofvoters.Butdivisionappeared,andthreatenedtheoutcome.WithassistancefromEcho,aDistrictcaucuswasheldtoendorseacandidateintheDemocraticprimary—winningthatraceisusuallytantamounttovictoryinthegeneralelection.Candidateswhoparticipatedhadto pledgenot torun ifthey weren'tendorsed. UnitaBlackwell, one ofthe earlyandcourageousleadersofSNCC,anativeofIssaquenaCounty,andlong-timemayorofthetownofMayersville,wasamongthoseseekingtheendorsement.WhenendorsementwentinsteadtoBennieThompson.Blackwelldecidedtorunanyway.Shewasbadlydefeated,andThompsonwentontowintherace.Itwasalessoninaccountabilitytoabroadercommunity.Echoiscommittedtobuilding(orrebuilding)thatcommunity.Itisoneofthesignsofhopetoday.

InJackson,ImetwithanotherMovementveteran,C.J.Jones,whonowworksforVoiceofCalvaryMinistries,aChristianagency"todemonstratethegospelofJesusChristthroughwholisticministrytothepoor…"Hetoldmeofthecommunityorganizingeffortsunderwayintheneighborhoodsurroundinghisoffice,andtookmeonatourtoseetheresults:rehabilitated,owner-occupiedhousing,newneighborhoodfacilitiesand,mostimportant,thesenseofaccomplishmentfeltbytheneighborhood.Hespokewithprideaboutthedevelopmentofaneighborhoodassociation,thefloweringoflocalleadershipandtheirsuccessfulworktobegintoturntheneighborhoodaround.

IntheMississippiDelta,catfishfarmingisagrowingindustry.Workerstherehaveorganizedandwonsomemajorvictories.Thecatfishworkers,mostlyBlackwomen,nowpartoftheAFL-CIO-affiliatedUnitedFoodCommercialWorkers,arealsoasignofhope.Afewotherunionsnowhaveapresenceinthestateaswell.

AndthenationalAlgebraProjectnowhasapresenceinthestate.InitiatedbyBobMoses,itpromisestoteachmathliteracytothosewhowillbecutoutofthenewhigh-techeconomy without it—and to organize them in the process. Dave Dennis, directorofCORE'SMississippiworkinthe'60s,nowworkswithMosesontheProject.

Butthesesignsofhopeseemfewandfarbetween.AnothergenerationofpowerfulgrassrootsgroupsmayemergeinMississippi—buttheyarenottherenow.

SuccessorFailure?

Whilerubbleremains,TheMovementbrokethewallsoflegalsegregation.Inthat,itwasagreatsuccess.Whatweleftwasimportant;yetitwasnotallthatweintended.Thelegacyofthestruggleofthedomestics,daylaborers,tenantfarmers,smallindependentfarmersandbusinesspeople,sharecroppersandthosefewwhowereinthestrugglebeforewegotthereincludes:athinlayerofthenewAfrican-Americanmiddleclass;alargergroupofBlackelectedofficialsthananyplaceelseinthecountry;anendtomostpoliceandcitizenviolenceagainstBlacks;andsomelocalactivistswhorun"programs"thataregovernmentor foundationfunded; Blacks in many jobs previously unavailable to them.TherearealsoBlacksuperintendentsofschools,policechiefs,hospitaladministrators,etc.Allofthisisforthegood;thatthereunionwasabletocelebratesuccesseswasgoodaswell.

TotheextentTheMovementwantedtosolveBlack(andwhite)povertyinMississippi,andchangethestructuresresponsibleforthatpoverty,itfailed.Butinthisambition,therewaslittlethatTheMovementcouldhavedoneintheSouthwithoutastrongparallelmovement,withdepthinitsrespectivecommunities,inthecountryasawhole.Thatmovementdidn'texist.TheprincipalsourceofpovertywasandremainstheeconomicstructuresthatdenyeconomicopportunityforMississippi'spoor.

Seriousotherproblemsremain.AnumberofmysterioushangingsofBlackprisonersinstatepenitentiarieshavetakenplace—suicidesstateofficialssay;theactionofsomecombinationofwhiteprisonersandguardssayothers.

InMississippi,wherehistoricallyBlackcollegeshaveplayedanimportantrolefortheAfrican-Americancommunity,thethreattobreakup,andinsomecasesclose,thesecollegesinthenameofintegrationisamajorissue.Blackstudentsopposethiseffort,andBlackprofessorsandadministratorsdoaswell.They,too,areoneofthesignsofhope.Over15,000ofthemmarchedontheStateCapitolinApril,1994,toprotest.Ironically,thebreak-upofhistoricallyBlackcollegesmaybethewaythestatecomplieswiththeU.S.SupremeCourtorderto"eradicate[its]policiesandpractices…thatcontinuetofostersegregation."Butwithoutthepowertodefineaconcept,itsapplicationmayundermineitsoriginalmeaning.Integrationnowmaymeansubmergence.Insteadofequalrights,itmaymeanfewerrights.Leadersofthecurrentstudentmovementmetwiththeveteransof30yearsagototelltheirstory.Inanintense,annoyingtosome,butgoodspirited,eveningmeetingduringthereunionthestudentstoldustheyhadlockedthedoorsoftheroom(infact,theyhadn't)and"demanded"thatwe"passtheleadershiptorch"tothem.Everyonewaswilling,andsome$2,000wascollectedtoaccompanytheflame.

TheMovementsoughtalsotoaddresspowerlessness.Hereourerrorsdeservetobenotedandstudied.TherewaslittlecriticalanalysisduringourHomecomingofwhatthoseerrorswereandwhatneededtobedone.AlmosteverythingatthereunionaboutthecontemporaryscenefocusedonelectoralpoliticsandtheBlackcollegestudentmovement;almostnothingspoketobuildingbroad-basedcommunityorganizations.Theextraordinarystoryofthecatfishworkers'unionwaspresentedtoanalmostemptyclassroom.

Tounderstandthepovertyandpowerlessnessthat,insomeways,areworsetodaythaninthelegallysegregatedSouthseveralthingsshouldbeconsidered.First,relianceonastrategythatcombinedelectoralpolitics,litigationandthecreationof"communitydevelopment"institutions.Theelectoralandlitigationapproachesledpeopletoexpecttoomuchfromelectedofficialsandcourts.Thecommunitydevelopmentprogramscreatedhighexpectationsandabsorbedmostofthetalentedleadershipintonon-profit,externallyfundedinstitutionsthatlacktheauthorityandresourcestosolveanyofthemajorproblems;buttheycreateabufferbetweentherealpowerholdersandthepeopleinthecommunities.Thisprocessinvolvedmassiveco-optationofBlackleadership.Often,thosesoco-optedwereenragedbytheirpowerlessness—andtheirrhetoricwasoftenmilitant.Nomatter;thosewhocontrolledthepursestringsknewtherhetoricwasharmless.Second,andtheflipsideofthefirst,inpartcausedbyit,wasthatmassparticipationdisappeared.Unfortunately,thereneverreallyweremassorganizations.Inretrospect,SNCCdidn'tknowhowtobuildthem—eventhoughwewantedtoatthetimeandclearlyarticulatedthedifferencebetween"organizing"and"mobilizing."Therewasn'tthedepthoforganizationnecessarytokeepelectedofficialsordirectorsofgovernment andfoundation fundedprogramsaccountabletothemajorityofthepeopleinthelocalcommunities.

TheChallengeAhead

WhatwillrestorehopetoMississippi?Thestruggleaheadisahugeone.ThechallengefortheAlgebraProjectwillbetodomorethanteachmathliteracy,servingasamobilityrouteforsomethatleavesmostbehind.SouthernEchoofferstraining,workshopsandconsultingincommunityorganizingtolocalgroups.Willitmovebeyondadhoc.single-issuecampaignsandlocal"projects"tobuildabroadbaseofpowerthatcanholdpoliticians,publicadministratorsandprivateinstitutionsaccountabletotheinterestsofpoorBlacks(andwhites)inMississippi?Onlyaveryfewcommunityorganizationsinthecountryarenowabletodoso—and only some of the time, and thus fall within relatively narrowissueparameters.IfTheMovementerredonthesideofdemandingmorethanitspowercouldwinandofprojectinganimpossibledream,thecurrentcommunityorganizingmovementerrsonthesideofcautioninitsdemandsandareluctancetoprojectanalternativevisionforademocratic America.Today'scommunityorganizershavemuchtolearnfromTheMovement.Movementveterans,seekingtorebuildorbuildanew,havemuchtolearnfromthecontemporarycommunityorganizationmovement.Eachoffersdifferentlessons—andthepossibilityofnewstrengthforboth.

AsC.J.JonesofVoiceofCalvarywasworkinginthe earlier describedneighborhoodinJackson,thevultureswerewatching.Aslocalpeopleimprovedtheirhousing,speculatorsenteredtheneighborhood and bought up remaining abandoned housing—whosesellingpricetheyhavenowdoubled.Willgentrificationfollow?WillVoiceofCalvaryandtheneighborhoodassociation it spawnedbepartofalargereffort—onethatcanbegintohaveanimpactonlargerinstitutions?

WilltheunionsinMississippibesuccessfulintheirorganizing?Thatwouldbe importantenough.Willtheyreachouthorizontallytoanemergingcommunityorganizingmovement?Iftheydon't,theywillnotfullybeabletoaddresstheproblemsfacingtheirmembers.

Mississippi,thepoorestandmostoppressivestateinthenation,forawhileledtheway—pointingtonewpossibilitiesforaninterracialparticipatorydemocracy.Carefulanalysisofhowwefailedtobuildthecapacityoflocalcommunitiesforcontinuousstruggleinthedirectionofastateandnationthatactsonprinciplesofsocialandeconomicjusticeissomethingthatweowetothenewgenerationoforganizers.

TheMississippiMovementoftheearly'60scapturedasmuchasanyplaceinthecountrythebiblically-basedvisionofabelovedcommunity:thedignityandworthofeachhumanperson;loveandcaring;asocietybasedonprinciplesoffreedom,justiceandequality;deepresponsibilitytoactinsolidaritywiththepoor—thelastshallbefirst;andonethatoffersopportunityfortheexpressionofthegiftsandtalentsofall.ThatwasoneofthestrandsofinspirationforSNCC'sworkintheSouth,andforawhileatleastelementsofitweretheretobeseen.Others,includingme,comingfromanenlightenmenttradition,liberalismorradicalism,sharedasimilarvision.ThoseofuswhocamefromtheNorthwereprofoundlyaffectedbytheextraordinarystrengthandspiritualqualitywemetintheBlacksharecroppers,domestics,daylaborers.farmersandtenantfarmerswhowere,forthattoobriefperiod,oursistersandbrothersinthestruggle.

TheMovementexperienceremainsoneofthemostimportantinmylife—asitisforeveryoneelseIknowwhotookpartinit.Ifitslessons,bothpositiveandnegative,arelearned,TheMovement'scontributionwillcontinue…andifnewstirringsinthestatecontinue,Mississippimayagainleadthenation.

MikeMillerwasaStudentNonviolentCoordinatingCommitteefieldsecretaryfromthesummerof1962toDecember,1966.HenowdirectstheSanFrancisco-basedORGANIZETrainingCenter.