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INTERNATIONAL STUDENTS’ AWARENESS OF THE CONTEXT AND HISTORIES OF INDIGENOUS COMMUNITIES IN SCARBOROUGH

Tekel Gabriel, Thamilini Vigneswaran, Isaiah John, & Inas Mustafa

Abstract

Indigenous peoples and immigrants collectively reside in Scarborough, Ontario, Canada. Both these minority groups live amongst each other, yet they rarely interact with each other. Our research was greatly motivated by Scarborough’s development into a diverse immigrant gateway. Many immigrants reside on stolen land, and have more opportunity to resources and opportunities than original inhabitants of the land, yet as settlers they are unaware of the context and histories of Indigenous communities. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada (TRC) call to action 93 asks the Federal Government and national Aboriginal organizations to improve the information kit that is provided to newcomers in Canada, and to include more information about the context and histories of Indigenous communities in citizenship tests (Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada 2015). Drawing on interview data with 8 international students from University of Toronto Scarborough we examine what information participants receive about Indigenous communities, where and how they learned such information and how this process influenced immigrant incorporation in Scarborough. We hypothesized that very little international students have substantial information on Canada’s colonial context and Indigenous communities, due to limited exposure. Our hypothesis was true as our findings suggest that international students at University of Toronto Scarborough know little to no information about Indigenous histories and communities. International students prime source of information reliability came from their post-secondary education courses.

Table of Contents

Abstract…………………………………………………………………………………………....2

Introduction………………………………………………………………………………………..4

Conceptual Framework……………………………………………………………………………5

Review of Literature………………………………………………………………………………7

Methodology……………………………………………………………………………………..11

Scarborough Context…………………………………………………………………………….12

Findings and Discussion…………………………………………………………………………16

Conclusions and Recommendations……………………………………………………………..31

References……………………………………………………………………………………...... 33

Introduction

Scarborough began as an important site for Indigenous communities, to the “Toronto Passage,” to a White middle-class suburb, and finally to a diverse immigrant gateway. Given the importance of Scarborough as an immigrant landing site, and the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) (2015) we examine what information international students in Scarborough learn about Indigenous communities, and where they obtained this information from. Indigenous communities in Scarborough continue to be marginalized and placed in further oppression. Newcomers and Indigenous peoples in Scarborough often have limited interactions and knowledge about each other. Both newcomers and Indigenous peoples often share similar experiences of vulnerability and oppression. This project seeks to underline the causes of such strained relations, and suggest some solutions to strengthen intercultural relationships between Indigenous peoples and newcomers. International students are not adequately aware of the context and histories of Indigenous peoples. However, it is significant for international students to acknowledge Indigenous communities in Scarborough as they are settlerson stolen land. Our group interviewed eight international students who are currently enrolled at University of Toronto Scarborough (UTSC) with eight open-end questions about their experiences, knowledge, and opinions about Indigenous communities. The interview data revealed three themes of knowledge, multiculturalism/interculturalism, and prioritization. Our group members are all second generation “immigrants” who have settled in Scarborough for most of our lives, unfortunately we also did not receive much information about Indigenous communities. Based on our findings we argue that educational institutionslimited access toinformation about Indigenous communities further constrains relationships between Indigenous peoples and newcomers. We need to enhance curriculum to expose international students to Indigenous communities and their histories, this may lead to a sense of togetherness.

Conceptual Framework

Settler colonialism functions to ensure that the presence and histories of Indigenous peoples disappear, “so that settler nations can seamlessly take their place” (Lawrence and Dua 2005: 123). A settler colonial framework examines this ongoing structure of colonization of Indigenous peoples (Lawrence and Dua 2005). Scholars such as Lawrence and Dua (2005) call for “postcolonial and antiracism theorists” to adequately consider “Indigenous decolonization” (Lawrence and Dua 2005: 120). Postcolonial and antiracism theory fails to explore how identities have been constructed through the ongoing colonization of Indigenous peoples (Lawrence and Dua 2005: 128). Unlike postcolonial and antiracism theories, a settler colonialism framework examines Canada as a colonial state, and how the ongoing colonization of Indigenous peoples have shaped “contemporary modes of ‘race’ and racism in settler nations” (Lawrence and Dua 2005: 128). The framework of settler colonialism can be implemented in an analysis of “migration, diasporic identities and diasporic counterculture” (Lawrence and Dua 2005: 130). For instance, a Caribbean migrant who migrates to Canada, and gains citizenship then establishes property ownership on stolen land further contributes to the ongoing colonization of Indigenous peoples. This illustrates that people of color are also settlers and have privilege over the original inhabitants of Canada.

Moreover, a settler colonialism framework explores how policies, displacement, and assimilation within settler states work to place the presence of Indigenous peoples and their histories as a thing of the past (Lawrence and Dua 2005: 123). If Canada’s colonial context and the current struggles of Indigenous communities is a thing of the past, how does that impact the relationship between Indigenous peoples and immigrants? This framework helps us understand how the histories and current struggles of Indigenous peoples are continually being erased through these projects of ongoing colonization. As settlers on stolen land we have a responsibility to actively engage in the deconstruction of ongoing colonial projects.

In the Canadian context Indigenous peoples were not allowed to be citizens, and faced “second hand citizenship” like immigrants (Bohaker and Iacovetta 2009: 428). There are parallels and differences between Indigenous peoples and immigrants. Scholars such as Bohaker and Iaovetta (2009) focus on citizenship which sought to provide a historical comparison of the racist and gendered Canadian assimilation programs that were implemented for both newcomer and Indigenous peoples. The ways people are treated when they are citizens is important because it often determines the amount of access one has to resources. In theory, everyone is treated differently given their status position (Indigenous membership, gender, race).

Moreover, the concept citizenship helps us understand the ways in which immigrants’ Canadian experiences and incorporation may also be limited through status. Immigrants often posses labor/educational qualities that make them suitable candidates for the Canadian labor market/educational system (Chatterjee 2015: 545). However, they are often seen as “undesirable” to receive membership within the Canadian society (Chatterjee 2015: 545). This framing also highlights how citizenship continues to align itself with hierarchies of “whiteness” (Chatterjee 2015: 558).

Alignment with “whiteness” is also reflected in citizenship policies (Chatterjee 2015). Many newcomers to Canada plan on taking the Canadian citizenship test, which requires some knowledge of Canadian history. Canadian citizenship test has frequently reflected a space for exclusion. This is particularly problematic as it may hinder the Canadian experience and knowledge that newcomers receive about Indigenous communities.
While citizenship policies create barriers, citizenship is also about civic participation. One way to think through this is through intercultural urbanism. Intercultural urbanism functions to build “relationships between cultural groups”, which differs from multiculturalism that primarily focuses on “respectful co-existence of multiple cultures” (Gyepi-Garbrah, Walker, and Garcea 2014: 1800). The theory is particularly interested in the intersection of newcomers and Indigenous peoples, as they are starting to co-exist in the big cities (Gyepi-Garbrah et al. 2014). Intercultural urbanism influences the integration of “newcomers in Western settler cities” (Gyepi-Garbrah et al. 2014: 1795). Intercultural urbanism works to disrupt colonial structures that are reproduced by people with a white settler colonial city (Hugill 2017). Intercultural urbanism works to create connections among certain groups that are excluded from urban structures.

Moreover, one of the reasons people have limited knowledge of Indigenous history is because they are not exposed to it. Intercultural urbanism influences the process of immigration incorporation in urban areas by aiming to build relationships between Indigenous peoples and immigrants through Aboriginal awareness and cultural exchange (Gyepi-Garbrah et al. 2014: 1796; Basu and Fiedler 2017). Cultural exchange enables for the exchange of shared experiences and differences. Being able to put yourself in other shoes is significant because it enables one to let go of self-interest. Intercultural urbanism provides us with an understanding of different approaches that may be taken to decolonise Western settler societies (Gyepi-Garbrah et al. 2014: 1796).

Literature Review

How do immigrants to Canada learn about Indigenous communities? And how does this process influence their incorporation in Scarborough? There is very little scholarly research pertaining to the research question. The limited research that was discovered had salient themes of knowledge/education, and interculturalism/multiculturalism.

Knowledge/Education

Newcomers to Canada often receive little to no information about Canada’s colonial context, and the current struggles of Indigenous communities (Gyepi-Garbrah, Walker, and Garcea 2014; Marom 2016; Parvin 2010; Tupper 2014; Assaf 2017). Indigenous organizations, programs, events, and formal schooling all play a vital educational role in filling in this gap to various degrees of success (Gyepi-Garbrah et al. 2014; Marom 2016; Parvin 2010; Tupper 2014; Assaf 2017). Self-governing Indigenous organizations such as newcomer’s orientation programs have aimed to welcome newcomers through an enrichment of Indigenous cultures, and histories with hopes of not only educating, but also building relationships between newcomers and Indigenous communities (Gyepi-Garbrah, et al. 2014; Marom 2016; Parvin 2010; Kuropatwa 2015; Assaf 2017). For example, scholars such as Gyepi-Garbrah et al. (2014) highlight the importance of non-profit community based organizations such as Winnipeg’s “Ka Ni Kanichihk” ink (KNK) in providing a space for cultural dialogue to increase knowledge. Education is a significant tool for diminishing stereotypes and misconceptions that often hinder the relationship between Indigenous communities and newcomers (Gyepi-Garbrah et al. 2014; Parvin 2010; Assaf 2017; Tupper 2014).

Tupper’s (2014) research demonstrates how curricular initiatives such as treaty education can “reveal and disrupt” ongoing effects of “colonialism on Indigenous peoples” in Canada (Tupper 2014: 469). She claims that curricular initiatives such as treaty education have the potential to disrupt ignorance that is produced through dominant narratives that often shape relationships with Indigenous peoples (Tupper 2014:475). Such curricular initiatives provide students with opportunities to engage in cultural dialogues, and allow them to think about ways in which colonial policies and practices have produced structural and symbolic violence for Indigenous peoples in Canada (Tupper 2014:470; Gyepi-Garbrah et al. 2014). Tupper’s (2014) research does not specifically address immigrants, but she addresses an educational curriculum in which many immigrants become involved in or have pursuits. According to Marom (2016) the Canadian education curriculum has a responsibility to ensure that newcomers are comprehensively educated about Indigenous history. She calls upon “immigrant teacher educators” to move beyond the “superficial decolonizing metaphor” to adequately explore how Indigenous communities continue to be affected by on-going colonialism (Marom 2016). Education that is obtained through the educational curriculum, or from community non-profit organizations are an essential that newcomers can rely on to receive information about Indigenous communities (Gyepi-Garbrah, et al. 2014; Marom 2016; Parvin 2010; Tupper 2014; Assaf 2017).

Interculturalism/Multiculturalism

Interculturalism moves beyond multiculturalism to build relationships between cultural groups that know little to nothing about each other (Wong and Fong 2015; Gyepi-Garbrah et al. 2014; Marom 2016; Parvin 2010). Scholars such as Marom (2016) claim that multiculturalism tends to focus on “celebration of diverse cultures” while erasing the histories and struggles of Indigenous peoples through ongoing colonization (Marom 2016: 27). She claims that Canadian multiculturalism continues to be controlled by the dominant Anglo settler (Marom 2016: 27). Marom (2016) and Parvin (2010) suggests that multiculturalism needs to open spaces of genuine cultural dialogues. Gyepi-Garbrah et al. (2014), Parvin (2010), and Wong and Fong (2015) emphasizes this idea of dialogue around differences. Building cross-cultural understandings and relationships influences immigration incorporation in Scarborough (Wong and Fong 2015; Gyepi-Garbrah et al. 2014; Parvin 2010). Gyepi-Garbrah et al. (2014) suggested that rather than celebrating diverse cultures we must embody the reality that diversity does not make the city stronger or equal. Parvin (2010) notes that newcomers to Canada often feel excluded from Canadian society. Parvin (2010) further suggests that multiculturalism cannot “eliminate exclusion and marginalization” (Parvin 2010: 89). Tensions between newcomers and Indigenous peoples surface from factors such as stigmatization and stereotypes that are transferred to newcomers (Wong and Fong 2015; Gyepi-Garbrah et al. 2014; Parvin 2010). Strengthening understanding and this idea of shared experiences is one way of decrease such tensions (Wong and Fong 2015; Gyepi-Garbrah et al. 2014; Marom 2016; Parvin 2010).

The literature extensively examines the benefits of knowledge/education and multiculturalism/interculturalism However, information on the voices of immigrants and their individual experiences are missing. Moreover, the literature appears to provide a lot of information on Winnipeg, and little to no information on any of the three immigrant cities in Canada such as Toronto, Montreal, and Vancouver. Scarborough, a subsection of Toronto, is an important site for immigrants. Scarborough has emerged into a diverse immigrant gateway, which has facilitated multifarious integration (Lo, Shalaby and Alshalfah 2011; Basu and Fiedler 2017). Our research with international students residing in Scarborough fills in this gap. International students are important because they also play a vital role in the Canadian society as they enter as “temporary” immigrants who encompass educational skills which benefits the Canadian state. International students reflected on their experiences within the educational curriculum. Moreover, the literature made no reference to priority being a probable reason why immigrants to Canada are not actively engaged in learning about Indigenous communities. For instance, immigrants could evaluate other priorities such as family responsibilities to be more of a concern than learning about Indigenous communities. Prioritization plays a significant role in immigrants learning process of Indigenous histories. Our research begins to fill this gap by providing the various priority factors that may hinder immigrant’s ability to learn about Indigenous peoples and histories.

Methodology

Data from this project came from interviews of 8 international students who attend University of Toronto Scarborough. The purpose of the interviews conducted was to find out what information international students have received about Indigenous history, where and how they obtained such information, and if this process influenced their incorporation in Scarborough. Our 8 participants were found through Facebook or social networking. Moreover, 7 of the participants we interviewed were female and 1 participant was a male. All our participants are in between the ages of 18 to 26. Before conducting the interview, we provided the participants with consent forms and discussed confidentiality; one international student wanted to use a pseudonym and everyone else wanted to use their first name. We audio recorded interviews because we found this to be an easier method compared to taking hand notes, although participants had the option to decline to not be recorded. After we recorded the interviews, we thanked our participants and invited them to attend our presentation on Friday, December 15th, 2017 so we can disclose the findings. Thereafter, we all heard the audio recordings numerous times to transcribe the interviews. Afterwards, we translated our interview data into meaningful themes of knowledge, multiculturalism, and prioritization. We identified themes through discovering repeating ideas to specific questions that were asked. All three themes identified were consistent with our research questions.


Scarborough Context

Historically, Indigenous peoples have been in Scarborough as early as 1250 and have had a presence in Ontario and Canada. The use of the “Toronto Passage” dates to more than 7,000 years ago. The “Toronto Passage” also known as the “Toronto Carrying Place” encompassed Humber and Rouge rivers which served as a major shortcut between Georgian Bay and Lake Ontario (Methot 2012; Johnson 2016; Myrvold 1997:13)). This route was desirable to First Nations people for its stronger ‘direct inland portage’ which was important during the profitable fur trade with Europeans (Johnson 2016; Myrvold 1997:14; Freeman 2010:56). This vital European trade route lead to competitions between Indigenous people who wanted to establish themselves along the Humber ‘to take full advantage of the route’ (Methot 2012; Johnson 2016; Freeman 2010:57). The “Toronto Passage” eventually became an attraction to European settlers (Methot 2012; Freeman 2010:56). The route became this new strategic place for the British to “relocate loyal British subjects” (Freeman 2010:56). This lead to the land transaction of the 1787 “Toronto Purchase” (Methot 2012; Freeman 2010: 38). However, there were great confusions over the “nature of the cession” (Methot 2012; Freeman 2010: 57). This route lead to the Mississaugas giving up a significant amount of land to the European settlers and quickly becoming outnumbered (Methot 2012; Freeman 2010:56). As a result, Mississaugas were forced to relocate from Toronto (Methot 2012; Freeman 2010:57).

Fast forwarding to the 1950s post World War II era, Scarborough was predominately white middle-class (Cowen and Parlette 2011:3; Belshaw 2009; Stewart; Myrvold 1997: 52). The post-World War two era lead to an economic boom in Scarborough. The World War and Great Depression prevented many white middle-class Canadians from settling down and starting families (Myrvold 1997:16; Johnson 2016). With the ending of the second World War veterans started returning to settle down, many of whom started families and needed a place to live (Belshaw 2009; Stewart; Myrvold 1997: 54). This rise of white middle-class families resulted in a housing boom, which produced a suburban expansion that looked white and middle-class (Belshaw 2009; Myrvold 1997:54). The increase of families resulted in a population increase and ‘suburban explosion’ (Belshaw 2009; Myrvold 1997: 117). Scarborough’s inner suburb layout was largely influenced after the second World War (Ashton 2012:10; Belshaw 2009). The features of inner suburbs that contained low-density and auto centric built was considered ideal features for raising families for the white middle-class population (Ashton 2012:12). However, as Belshaw (2009) and Ashton (2012) suggested during the post-war era white middle-class families started to depart to what was termed the “new suburbs” as many negative connotations surfaced the inner suburb. The transformation of the suburbs shifted and became home to lower income families (Ashton 2012:14). The inner suburb family dream has now been characterized by “aging infrastructure, inadequate housing choice” and poor social services (Aston 2012:54; Cowen and Parlette 2011:4; MacDonnell, Robinson, Mikadaze, McDonough, and Meisner 2011:13). There was a requirement for an organized land utilize system which lead to joining the provincial government known as Metropolitan Toronto in 1954, this included Etobicoke, York, North York, East York and Scarborough and helped include and connect services such as highways, water, and public transit.