Kritikal Japan Aff GDS 2010
Georgetown Debate Seminar Turner/Kallmyer
KRITIKAL JAPAN AFF VERSION 1.0
1AC 2
Advantage: Don’t Ask Don’t Tell 14
Add-On: Okinawan Identity 17
Add-on: Colonialism 19
Patriarchy/Sex Crime Internals 20
Patriarchy Spillover 25
Patriarchy Impact Extension 27
Militarism/Imperialism Internals 28
Nation Building Internals 31
Spillover 32
History Key Extension 33
Withdrawal Key 34
Okinawa Key 35
U.S. Key 36
Okinawan Opposition 37
Generic Link Turns 40
A/T: Fem Ir 42
A/T: Capitalism K 43
A/T: Generic Kritiks (Perm) 44
A/T: Link-Realism/Human Nature = No War 45
A/T: Positive Peace Just an Abstraction 46
A/T: Consult Japan 47
A/T: Consult NATO 48
A/T: Hegemony Impacts 49
A/T: US-Japan Relations 50
****Negative****
Neg Cards 51
Neg: Guam Troop Shift Link 56
Neg: Rearm Turn 57
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CONTENTION ONE IS THE STORY OF OKINAWA
Militarized masculinity drives soldiers to aggression that is released on and exploits people of the U.S. military base Okinawa in Japan.
Kirk 99New Jersey Chair in Women’s Studies, PhD from University of London in Sociology
“Women and the US military in East Asia”,Graduate Diploma in Town Planning, B.A. in Sociology from Leeds University
Military personnel are trained to dehumanize “others” as part of their preparation for war. This process, and the experience of combat,can make them edgy, fearful, frustrated, alienated,or aggressive—negative feelings that are often vented on host communities, especially women. Sexism is central to a militarized masculinity, which involves physical strength, emotional detachment, the capacity for violence and killing, and an appearance of invulnerability.Male sexuality is assumed to be uncontrollableand in need of regular release,so prostitution is built into military operations, directly or indirectly, withthe agreement of host governments.Suzuyo Takazato of Okinawa Women Act Against Military Violence, told the San Jose Mercury News, “Theseyoung troops goout into the field all day andare trained tobe aggressive and tokill.... They may change out of uniform and into a T-shirt and jeans, but their attitude does not change.”Although the military has a policy of “zero tolerance” for sexual violence and harassment, and most military personnel do not violate women,this is an officially recognized problemin U.S. military families,for women in the military, and in communities near bases in this country and overseas. Military leaders often attribute it to a few “bad apples,” butthese incidents happen far too often to be accepted as aberrations.Women organizers see them as systemic—an integral part of a system of military violence.Status of Forces Agreements (SOFAs) vary depending on host country laws and each government’s power and willingness to negotiate terms. For example, the SOFA between the U.S. and Germany includes more detailed procedures for jurisdiction over personnel who commit crimes than do SOFAs with Japan or Korea. It also commits the U.S. military to cooperating in finding fathers and advising them to pay child support to German women who have children by U.S. troops, a provision completely absent from the SOFAs with Japan or Korea, and from the VFA with the Philippiness.Host governments are in different power positions in relation to the U.S., though none of them come to SOFA negotiations as equal partners with the United States.SOFAs are based upon dysfunctional assumptions about national security. They ensure legal protection for U.S. bases and military personnel but do not provide genuine security for local communities, nor do they assure the security of the American people. Although U.S. officials claim to have implemented adequate procedures for dealing with crimes against people in host communities, U.S. troops are not always tried by local courts, even when cases involve serious injury or death. It took enormous public outcry before those responsible for abducting and raping a 12-year-old Okinawan girl in September 1995 were handed over to Japanese authorities, stood trial in a Japanese court, and began serving seven-year sentences in Japan. In other cases where local people know of punishment, it is often trivial. Sometimes perpetrators are moved beyond reach to another posting, perhaps back to the United States.
Sexual exploitation in Okinawa is ongoing – in times of peace and war.
Tanaka 2k2Yuki "Japan's Comfort Women: Sexual Slavery and Prostitution During World War II and the US Occupation" Professor at the Hiroshima Peace Institute in Hiroshima
Although military violence against women is heightened to extreme levels during war, such a firm-rooted tendency towards the sexual exploitation of women by military men is not limited to wartime. The fact that soldiers are possessed of a strong propensity to commit sexual violence even in peacetime is well sup- ported by studies of base area prostitution, including numerous criminal cases involving soldiers.For example, it is well known that sexual violence committed by US military personnel was long endemic at its Subic Bay naval base in the Philippines, which it operated until the end of 1992.It remains a serious concern for residents living near the US military bases in Okinawaand Korea.Military violence against Okinawan women continued after the Battle of Okinawa,despite a widespread clandestine prostitution that was regulated by the US military authorities.For example, in 1955, a 6-year-old girl, Nagayama Yumiko, in Ishikawa city, was abducted, raped, and murdered by a GI stationed at Kadena Base. This is only one, if the most shocking, of numerous cases of sexual crimes committed by American soldiers in Okinawa over the past half century.34 One of the most widely publicized cases was the abduction and rape of a 12-year-old Okinawan girl on her way home from shopping by three US servicemen in September 1995. The incident triggered massive demonstrations against the location of US military facilities on Okinawa.35 In Korea, too, in the 20 years between 1967 and 1987, there were 72 reported cases of rape, in addition to numerous cases of physical violence against women committed by the members of the US troops stationed there.The most shocking case in Korea is probably the murder of Yun Kumi, a 26-year-old employee at one of the US military recreation clubs. She was killed by a young US soldier in October 1992. Her dead body was covered with heavy bruises, two beer bottles and a coke bottle being inserted in her vagina.36
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We say military presence in Japan is important to promote stability but really basing in Japan is used to spur U.S dominance and it is important to understand underlying tones of gender inequality and militarism.
Kirk 2008 New Jersey Chair in Women’s Studies, PhD from University of London in Sociology
"Gender and U.S. Bases in Asia-Pacific" Washington, DC: Foregin Policy Institute” Graduate Diploma in Town Planning, B.A. in Sociology from Leeds University
U.S. military expansion and restructuring in the Asia-Pacific region serve patriarchal U.S. goals of “full spectrum dominance.”Alliedgovernments arebribed, flattered, threatened, orcoerced into participating in this project.Even the apparently willing governments are junior partners who must, in an unequal relationship, shoulder the costs of U.S. military policies.For the U.S. military, land and bodies are so much raw material to use and discard without responsibility or serious consequences to those in power.Regardless of gender,soldiers are trained to dehumanize others so that, if ordered, they can kill them. Sexual abuse and torture committed by U.S. military personnel and contractors against Iraqi prisoners in Abu Ghraib prison illustrate a grim new twist on militarized violence, where race and nation “trumped” gender. White U.S. women were among the perpetrators, thereby appropriating the masculinized role. The violated Iraqi men, meanwhile, were forced into the feminized role.Gendered inequalities, which are fundamental to U.S. military operations in the Asia-Pacific region, affect men as well as women.Young men who live near U.S. bases see masculinity defined in military terms. They may work as cooks or bartenders who provide rest and relaxation to visiting servicemen. They may be forced to migrate for work to larger cities or overseas, seeking to fulfill their dreams of giving their families a better future.U.S. peace movements should not only address U.S. military involvement in the Middle East, but also in other parts of the world. Communities in the Asia-Pacific region have a long history of contesting U.S. militarism and offer eloquent testimonies to the negative impact of U.S. military operations there.These stories provide insights into the gendered dynamics of U.S. foreign and military policy, and the complicity of allied nations in this effort.Many individuals and organizations are crying out for justice, united by threads of hope and visions for a different future. Our job is to listen to them and to act accordingly.
We utilize the military and the example of Japan as a tool to imperialistically subjugate other societies. The US adopts a “rescue and rehabilitation” paradigm where we build other nations by imposing our values. We attempt to assimilate other nations like Iraq and Afghanistan without recognizing the chain of events that started in East Asia.
Yoneyama 2005 LisaLiberation under Siege:U.S. Military Occupation andJapanese Women’s Enfranchisement PhD in Cultural Studies from Stanford, Director of the Critical Gender Studies Program at UCSD, Associate Professor
The legacies of cold war feminism are clearly evident in the gendered dynam-ics of U.S. imperialism, and have served in many ways to not only legitimatethe current U.S. war on terror. This feminism also extends the boundaries ofU.S. power by mobilizing the formerly converted as new recruits. In April2003, shortly after “Operation Iraqi Freedom” led to the U.S. military’s sei-zure of Baghdad, the Rocky Mountain News featured an article covering a lec-ture by Beate Sirota Gordon in Boulder, Colorado. The article reads: “Japanese women who lived through the reconstruction of their country after WorldWar II could help the United States rebuild Iraq and Afghanistan, says thewoman who helped Gen. Douglas MacArthur write the Japanese Constitu-tion.” At the age of twenty-two, Gordon joined the committee that draftedthe Japanese Constitution and worked specifically on the women’s rights clauseduring the U.S. occupation of Japan. According to the newspaper’s account,Gordon maintained that the Japanese women who “had no rights” before thenew constitution are successful in “politics and business” today and that, as “acolored people,” they could “bolster U.S. credibility with Iraqis and Afghans”by demonstrating that the U.S. military occupation “did not run their islandsinto a colony.”52The memories of Japanese women’s liberation under U.S.occupation thus continue to haunt America’s “just war” narratives.It is important to note that the postwar discursive construction of “Japa-nese women” as mere victims of male-dominated militarism, who became lib-erated and gained power only as a result of the postwar occupation, has con-tributed to a popular amnesia about Japanese women’s active participation incolonialism and wars of aggression.53Since the 1970s feminist historians havescrutinized the absence of critical reflection on Japanese women’s complicityin imperialism. Yet the contemporary redeployment of these Japanese womenin relation to the war in Iraq suggests that this narrative has entailed anotherproblematic memory effect. Remembering Japanese women exclusively as gen-der victims saved by MacArthur and his advisors—that is, remembering themaccording to the cold war feminism that once mobilized Japanese women asits constitutive others—may well risk rallying them as agents in the currentU.S. imperial imaginary of rescue and rehabilitation.
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True security in Okinawa can never be attained by militarization and sexual violence. We have to question our military presence there and shift notions of militaristic masculinity.
Kirk and Rey 1997 Making ConnectionsBuilding an East Asia-U.S. Women’s Network against U.S. Militarism The Women and War Reader
Throughout the meeting the question of what constitutes true security kept coming up. In Japan, for example, the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty officially defies security. But this treaty in no way protected the twelve-year-old Okinawan girl who was raped, or others who have been harmed and abused by U.S. military personnel. Women’s lack of security is directly linked to this Security Treaty. Participants agreed that the U.S. military presence does not protect local people but endangers them, and that we need to redefine security for our communities. We do not need 100,000 U.S. troops in Asia. Implicit throughout our discussion is the realization that true security requires respect for land, air, water, and the oceans, and a very different economy with an emphasis on ecological and economic sustainability, not the pursuit of profit. The increasing globalization of the economy will create a world market where many countries cannot control their own resources or provide for their people. We recognized that environmental concerns and economic development are often currently in conflict. Thinking I terms of sustainability removes such conflicts. Our vision is for a sustainable, life-affirming future focusing on small-scale projects, local autonomy, and self-determination, with an emphasis on community land- use systems rather than private property. It includes the creation of true local democracies, the empowerment of local people, and the inclusion of women and children in decision-making. It will involve base conversion as well as nonmilitary approaches to resolving conflicts. It means promoting the value of socially responsible work, and the elimination of weapons-making industries. We agreed that we need a deeper understanding of demilitarization that goes beyond bases, land, and weapons, to include cultures, consciousness, and national identities. Given that masculinity in many countries, including the United States, is defined in military terms, it will also involve a redefinition of masculinity, strength, power, and adventure. It will involve more harmonious ways of living among people, and between people and the nonhuman world that sustains us. It will need appropriate learning and education, cultural activities, and values moving away from consumerism to sustainable living, where people can discover what it means to be more truly human.
The U.S. recognizing and acknowledging their imperial violence in Japan creates change.
Yoneyama 2003LisaTraveling Memories, Contagious Justice: Americanization of Japanese War Crimes at the End of the Post-Cold War Journal of Asian American StudiesPhD in Cultural Studies from Stanford, Director of the Critical Gender Studies Program at UCSD, Associate Professor
Transnational minorities'memories are never fully in alliance with the dominant national history and memory, yet they are constantly imperiled by nationalizing forces that, through domesticating and assimilating excess knowledge, threaten to produce a seamless narrative of national self-affirmation and innocence. Insofar as the discourse of redress and reparation inevitably holds out as its telos some form of closure, settlement and sublation, the official acknowledgement of and accounting for past wrongs may be as perilous as it is enabling. In this process the state-corporate entity can disavow the oppression, pain, and marginalization that continue to exist for racial and colonial minorities.55It moreover risks relegating justice, legitimacy, and even agency for redress and reconciliation to the very state-corporate entities that offer reparations and apologies (i.e. Japan) and promote redress and authorize the rectification of injustice (i.e. the United States), rather than to the survivors of the original moment of violence. Transnational memories can challenge such statist foreclosures and pose possibilities for critical interventions into the imagined linear progress of universal history. In closing, let me add a note on the temporal index, "the end of the post-Cold War," that appears in my article title. The rupture known to us [End Page 82] as "the end of the Cold War" has had numerous effects on the conditions under which memories of the Asia-Pacific War(s) are collected. The post-cold war milieu has enabled stories of atrocities, alliances and even hopes that have been suppressed or marginalized within the dominant national and global historical narrative that had ruled most of the decades after the Second World War. To be sure, denoting the period after 1989 as "post-cold war" privileges the West's temporality and experiences. In northeast Asia, the division of Korea into two political regimes persists as a stark reality of the Cold War's legacy. Still, this transitional moment has enabled transnational coalitions of activism that are not strategically bound by the claims of "national security" or a political binary. The post-1990 eruption of memories of the Japanese military's sex enslavement system was undoubtedly a symptom of such shifts. Protests against the Japanese government's obstinate denial of historical accountability for its direct involvement in the military comfort station system, did not only criticize Japan's former military and present government. They also interrogated the patriarchally constructed post-independence South Korean anti-Communist nationalism, the shortcomings of the U.S.-Allied persecution of violence against women in the war's immediate aftermath, as well as the continuing neocolonial U.S. military presence in South Korea. Other memories that could not have been unleashed without the post-Cold War sensibility include the 4.3 Incident, in which an estimated thirty thousand Cheju islanders were massacred in a 1948 red hunt. The post-Cold War moment fostered opportunities for