1
Dissertation new chapter three.
Chapter 3: The structure of coordination.
“It thus appears that the constituent structure
of coordinating constructions is much more
problematic than has been generally thought”
(Haspelmath 2004:9).
3.1 Sentence Coordination.
The aim of this chapter is to describe, analyze and explain the sentence coordination patters found in Yaqui. The discussion is centered in the coordinator into(ko) ‘and’. It shows unusual patterns which present a challenge to any theory of language which treat coordination as containing a tripartite structure.
3.1.1 Distribution of into ‘and’.
The coordinator into ‘and’ can occur basically in three different positions when conjoining two sentences: at the beginning of the second conjoined sentence, after the first element on the second conjoined sentence and in final position of the second sentence. Let’s begin with the pattern of into ‘and’ in second position, given that this can be considered the unmarked pattern of Yaqui coordination:
3.1.1.1 Into ‘and’ in second position.
The basic patterns of sentence coordination where into ‘and’ occurs in second position, are shown in this section. Given a question like (1), a possible answer is given in (2). As we can see, it is a coordinate sentence where the coordinated particle appears after the first element of the second conjoined sentence[1]:
(1) jitá yeu siika?
what out go:SG’
qué afuera ir:SG
‘What’s going on/ what happened?’
‘¿Qué pasa// qué pasó?
(2) Ju’u chu’u misi-ta ke’e-ka, Diana into a beba-k.
The dog cat-AC C bite-PERF Diana and it hit-PERF
El perro gato-AC mordió Diana y le pegó.
‘The dog bite the cat and Diana hit it’
‘El perro mordió al gato y Diana le pegó’
Because the answer contains only new information (Choi 2001), this can be considered the unmarked pattern for the coordinator position. As can be seen from the examples too, the unmarked word order is SOV. Other possible answers to the question in (1) show the coordinator in second position too. This strategy of allocating the coordinator after the first constituent of the second coordinate sentence is really common in Yaqui. In the following examples, the coordinator appears after the subject of the second conjoined sentence:
(3) Pablo ji’osiam jinuk, María into yokia-ta.
Pablo book bought, Maria and pen-AC.
Pablo libro compró María y pluma-AC
‘Pablo bought a book and Maria a pen’
‘Pablo compró un libro y María una pluma’
(4) Inepo Diana-ta bichak, apoik achai into ketchia.
I Diana-AC saw her father and too.
Yo Diana-Ac ví su papá y también.
‘I saw Diana and her father (saw her) too’
‘Yo vi a Diana y su papá también’
(5) Empo yeewek, inepo into kochok.
You played, I and slept.
Tú jugaste, yo y dormí.
‘You played and I slept’
‘Tu jugaste y yo dormí’
Even, in the above examples the position of into ‘and’ is obligatory. So, the following sentences where the coordinator appears between both sentences are ungrammatical:
(6) *Ju’u chu’u misíta ke’eka, into Diana a= bebak.
The dog cat bite, and Diana him hit.
(7) *Pablo ji’osiam jinuk, into María yokiata.
Pablo book bought, and Maria pen.
(8) *Inepo Dianata bichak, into apoik achai ketchia.
I Diana saw and his father too.
(9) *Empo yeewek, into inepo kochok.
You played, and I slept.
All the previous examples contain the subject before the particle into ‘and’. I.e. they are NPs. However, that is not the only categories that can go before into ‘and’. In what follows it is shown what kind of elements can go before the coordinator. Most examples are taken from a glossed story narrated in Crumrine (1961). I decided to use this kind of materials in order to get the coordination meaning from a broader context other than that in isolated sentences. The data where checked with a Yaqui speaker from Casas Blancas, Sonora, and the spelling was modified according to the one used in this work. Where the speaker disagreed in any aspect of the yaqui sentences found in these stories, it is shown in a foot note. The next two examples show that into(k)[2] ‘and’ can occur after adverbials such as ian ‘now’ and kaa ‘not’. In these examples the subject was introduced in the first coordinated sentence (which is not presented here in order to focus in the position of the coordinator).
Crumrine (1961:13)
(10) (nii juya)... ian intok ujúyoisi sawa-k
this tree now and beautifully leaves-POSS
Este árbol ahora y bonito hojas-POS
‘This tree … and now it’s beautifull with leaves.’
‘Este árbol… y ahora está bonito con hojas.’
Crumrine (1961:19)
(11) (ilí chu’u) ...kaa intok a’a jajáseka intok a’a ta’áru-k
(little dog) …not and it following and it lost-PERF
(pequeño perro)…no y lo siguiendo y lo perder-PERF.
‘(The little dog) is not following it and lost it’
‘(El perrito)... y no lo está siguiendo, y lo perdió’
Few examples show into after the determiner of a nominal phrase, the only two attested in Crumrine’s (1961) yaqui stories are the following[3]:
Crumrine (1961:24)
(12) ií into o’óu im mesa-ta bepa juka kuj kutá-ta toó siká
this and man here table-NS upon this cross wood-NS left went
este y hombre aquí mesa-NS sobre esta cruz madera-NS dejó fue
‘And this man has laid the rosary wood on top of the table’
‘Y este hombre dejó aquí sobre la mesa esta cruz de madera y se fue’
Crumrine (1961:35)
(13) ií into yoéme jaksuma yeu sika jaibu juchi
this and man there out go:SG already again
este y hombre allí fuera ir:SG ya otra vez
aman aánneka jum kuj-ta bepa a’a katek
yonder being there cross-AC on it sitting
‘And this man, coming out from somewhere again, is again there by the cross’
‘Y este hombre, saliendo de quién sabe dónde, andaba por ahí otra vez, sentándose por el
lado de la cruz’
Until now, we have several observations that must be incorporated in any analysis of Yaqui coordinated sentences: a) the unmarked order for the coordinator into ‘and’ is second position, b) the Yaqui unmarked word order is SOV, c) into ‘and’ can occur in second position if the coordinate sentences contain different subjects. Before into ‘and’ can appear several types of elements, the exemplified ones are: nouns, adverbials, and determiners.
3.1.1.2 Into ‘and’ in first position.
The coordinator can appear in first position in several cases: a) when the subject of the second sentence doesn’t appear in overt syntax, as in the following example, where the subject of both sentences is the same. I used a Ø symbol to indicate that the subject is not present in overt syntax. The sentences (15) and (16) can be an answer to the question in (1), repeated here for convenience as (14).
(14) jitá yeu siika?
what out go:SG
qué fuera ir:SG
‘What’s going on/ what happened?’
‘¿Qué sucedió/ qué está pasando?’
(15) Joan chu’u-ta beébak Ø into miísi-ta beébak.
John dog-AC hit Ø and cat-AC hit
Juan perro-AC pegó Ø y perro-AC pegó
‘John hit the dog and hit the cat’
‘Juan le pegó al perro y le pegó al gato’
The coordinator must appear too in first position when we have a coordinated XP (a coordinated subject in this example) in the second sentence:
(16) Yoeme bwiíka into [Peo into Diana] ye’eka
Man sing and Peter and Diana dance
Hombre canta y [Pedro y Diana] baila
‘The man sing and Peter and Diana Dance’
‘El hombre canta y Pedro y Diana bailan’
(17) *Yoeme bwiíka [Peo into Diana] into ye’eka
Man sing Peter and Diana and dance
(‘The man dance and Peter and Diana Dance’)
There are semantic effects related to the position occupied by into ‘and’ in the sentence. These effects can be seen when the coordinated sentences contain similar subject pronouns. The into ‘and’ particle must be used in first position in order to indicate that the subject in the second conjoined sentence is the same than the one in the first sentence. Look at the following contrast between (19) and (21), where two copulative sentences are conjoined. The first one could be an answer to a question where we ask something about a determined person, whereas the second one could be an answer to a question asking the employ of several persons:
(18) Jaksa aapo tekipanoa?
What he work
En qué él trabaja
‘What does he work on?’
‘En qué trabaja él’
(19) Aapo kuchureo into aapo bochareo
He fisherman and he shoemaker.
Él pescador y él zapatero.
‘Hei is a fisherman and hei is a shoemaker’
‘Éli es pescador y éli es zapatero’
The above sentence (19) contrasts with the next in (21) which could be an answer to the question in (20). In the answer, the coordinator is in second position and the preferred reading is disjoint. If we consider, following Dedrick and Casad (1996) that the coordinator into ‘and’ is a pivot for topicalization together with the proposal of Lee (2001) that topics have the features /+PROMINENT, -NEW/, then, this semantic effect is predicted because the pronoun in the second conjunct in (19) will be interpreted as /-PROMINENT, -NEW/ and does not have to be fronted. Whereas the features of the second pronoun in (21) would be /+PROMINENT, -NEW/ and therefore the pronoun must be fronted, appearing before the coordinator into ‘and’. In that sense, the sentence (21) patterns with the sentences (2-5) which contain different subjects.
(20) Jaksa bempo tekipanoa?
What they work?
En qué ellos trabajan?
What do they work on?
‘En qué trabajan ellos?
(21) Aapo kuchureo aapo into bochareo
He fisherman he and shoemaker
Él pescador él y zapatero
‘Hei is a fisherman and hej (another guy) is a shoemaker’
‘Éli es pescador y élj (otra persona) es zapatero’
The sentence with into ‘and’ in first position is similar in meaning to the next one where the subject is not in overt syntax:
(22) Aapo kuchureo into bochareo
He fisherman and shoemaker.
Él pescador y zapatero
‘He is a fisherman and a shoemaker’
‘Él es pescador y zapatero’
This contrast is attested in coordinate sentences with same subjects (SS) vs. different subjects (DS). The following sentences contain intransitive verbs:
(23) Aapo bwiíka into aapo ye’e
He sings and he dances
Él canta y él baila
‘Hei is singing and hei (the same guy) is dancing’
‘Éli está cantando y éli (la misma persona) está bailando’
(24) Aapo bwiíka aapo into ye’e
He sings he and dances
El canta él y baila
‘Hei is singing and hej (another guy) is dancing’
‘Éli está cantando y élj (otra persona) está bailando’
(25) Aapo bwiíka into ye’e
He sings and dances
Él canta y baila
‘He is singing and dancing’
‘Él está cantando y bailando’
The next example, taken from Crumrine (1961: reinforces the observation that into occurs in first position when in the discourse, the subject is understood as the same than the previous coordinated sentence:
Crumrine (1961:19)
(26) …húébena wakásim áe áwi-ne intok [‘ae hi’ibwa-ne],
…much cattle with-it fatten-will and [with it eat-will],
…mucho ganado con-él engordará y [con él comerá],
into [hipi’ikim júébenáne]…
and [milk plenty-will]…
y [leche absolutamente-tendrán]
‘Much cattle will fatten with it, and will eat it, and will be plenty of milk…’
‘Mucho Ganado engordará con él y lo comerán, y tendrán mucha leche…’
When the subject is not present, the coordinator, in general, can occur in first position; however, if there is not a subject but there is a topicalized or focused element, the coordinator must be in second position. We can see this fact in the following examples where the sentence contains a postpositional phrase (Post-P). The coordinator can appear in second position (after the Post-P), or in first position (before the Post-P). This is illustrated with an example adapted from Dedrick and Casad (1997):
(27) juchi 'ae-koni-la sik-aa intok jo'o-t 'a'a siisek
again him-circle-ADV go-PPL and back-on him urinated
otra vez a él-circulando-ADV ir-PPL y espalda-sobre lo orinó
'and having going around him, it urinated on his back'
‘Y yendo alrededor de él, lo orinó en su espalada’
(28) juchi 'ae-koni-la sik-aa jo'o-t intok 'a'a siisek
again him-circle-ADV go-PPL back-on and him urinated
otra vez a él-circulando-ADV ir-PPL espalda-sobre y lo orinó
'And having going around him, it urinated on his back'
‘Y yendo alrededor de él, lo orinó en su espalda’
Finally, the particle into tend to be before some phrasal adverbs such as jumák ‘maybe’, junén ‘thus’, junuén ‘that way’, and clitics like ne(e) ‘I’.
Crumrine (1961:16)
(29) intok júmak ne kaa am teakaate-k inepo intok ino tá’aruka’ate-k
and maybe I not them find-if I and me lost-if
y quizá yo no a ellos encuentro-si yo y me pierdo-si
‘And perhaps if I don’t find them, And If I get lost...’
‘Y quizá si yo no los encuentro, y si yo me pierdo…’
Crumrine (1961:23)
(30) …Into junen au jia kaa ama yoeka’atek juni’i kia
…And thus to-him say not there escape-it even just
...Y así a él dice no allá escapar incluso
…‘And thus say to him, I did not escape’…
...‘Y así le dice a él, incluso no escapar allá...’
Crumrine (1961:31)