1

  • Full Names: Petkou Chamba Lawrence (PhD)

C/o Department of Sociology and Population Development Studies, Nelson Mandela Drive 5117 Mthatha

Republic of South Africa

Tel: 047 502 2282

  • Email contact: ;
  • Academic status: Ph.D. Sociology
  • Institutional Affiliation: WalterSisuluUniversity(WSU) Department of Sociology and Population Development Studies

Surviving in Hostile Grounds: Transmigrants in Johannesburg

ABSTRACT:

Urban immigrants worldwide use different strategies in their host communities to fend for themselves. Becoming a transmigrants, and dealing in small trading and business activities including those marginal to the law appear to be popular survival strategies. As migrants live their lives across international boundaries, they cultivate strong backward linkages with their home countries. Elsewhere, they are termed transmigrants. This paper presents as part of a marginalized class the experiences of Cameroonian and Nigerian migrants, by examining their socio-economic survival strategies in Johannesburg. ‘West-a-phobia’ is used in the article to describe the negative perception, the resultant fear, discrimination and xenophobic hostility towards these immigrants in South Africa. Based on qualitative analysis from some 112 questionnaires, observations and in-depth interviews with Cameroonian and Nigerian immigrants, this paper illustrates how marginalized immigrants live their lives in South Africa and their home countries, and engage in different economic activities as a way of surviving away from home. Findings suggest that, despite ‘West-a-phobia’, immigrants still survive in their host and home countries largely because they are transmigrants and small business dealers.

Introduction

Studies in South Africa have shown African immigrants as victims of discrimination and xenophobia (McDonald et al. 1999, 1998; Rogerson, 1997a; Peberdy and Rogerson, 2002; Peberdy, 1999; Peberdy and Crush, 1998).Although xenophobia has been variously defined (Everett et al. 1999; Linder, 1994; Boehnke et al.1998; Prince El Hassan, 2001; Heckmann, 2001;Mujica, 2002), this paper defines it as a deep hatred and fear of strangers due to ignorance and lack of information about foreigners resulting to hostility and negative consequences.Immigrants in this study suffer from police and civil harassments, are denied civil, social and political rights, lack and/or are provided with inappropriate documentationand, cannot school and work in South Africa. The concern of this paper is to explore the effects of xenophobia and discrimination of West Africans in South Africa, represented here by Cameroonian and Nigerian immigrants in Johannesburg. This paper argues that because of xenophobia some immigrants have become transmigrants, while others have engaged in small business activities including those marginal to the law.

General consensus supports the view that immigrants’ predicaments derived from xenophobic hostility prevent them from opportunities that could benefit them and their family members in their home countries.The negative perceptions, the resultant fear, discrimination and xenophobic hostility towards a significant percentage of West African immigrants in South Africa will be termed ‘West-a-phobia’ (hereafter ‘West-a-phobia’).This paper presents a consequence of West-a-phobia as a state where immigrants are forced to look for various strategies to survive in their host and home countries. Notable strategies observed in this study include, becoming transmigrants and/or engaging in various kinds of money generating activities.

Their recourse to residing in large concentration in places like Hillbrow is equally a survival measure that more often than not guarantees their security as an endangered group. Through their struggles and consequent economic successes and gains, many of these immigrants are able to send remittances to their home countries.

This paper presents immigrants in this study as transmigrants who live their lives in South Africa and their home countries.Schiller and Fouron (1999) observe that transnational migrants live their lives across international boundaries and cultivate strong backward linkages with their home countries. Schiller et al, (1992: 48) define transmigrants as “the simultaneous embeddedness in more than one society”.According to Schiller (1999) transmigrants are migrants who enjoy the benefits of participating in the Socio-economic process of two or more states.This paper, firstexamines West African concentration in Hillbrow, a consequence of ‘West-a-phobia’, and the resultant economic benefits derived from such concentration.The second section presents immigrants as transmigrants who live their lives in South Africa and their home countries. In the third section, the paper examines immigrants’ trading activities and the resultant benefits. Before discussing the study area and it resultant benefits to immigrants in the study, it is important to first examine the marginalization effects of the South African Affirmative Action Policy.

The Role of Affirmative Action

The South African Affirmative Action adds to discrimination and xenophobia to prevent most West African immigrants from formal employment in the country (Sikhosana, 1996; Singh, 1996; Herholdt and Marx, 1999). This paper coins these cumulative problems facing some West African immigrants in the country as West-a-phobia. The problem of West-a-phobia appears to go beyond race, to myths like, ‘West Africans steal jobs away from South Africans’, ‘crime perpetrators’, ‘drug dealers’, and ‘carriers of diseases’. These misperceptions sometimes reflect in job adverts with phrases like “A South African ID required,” “A South African driver’s license is required,” “Must be able to speak one national language,” and/or “only for South Africans”. Sowell (1981) warns that misperceptions about immigrants might impact on immigrants as well as the economy in very interesting ways. “Because I am not working, I will do anything to get money” was a response from an immigrant when asked what his survival strategies were. Interestingly, in South Africa, immigrants from East and Western European countries enjoy better privileges and are less affected by the South African Affirmative Action than those immigrants from sub-Saharan Africa especially West Africa. While affirmative action policy gives priority to nationals ahead of foreigners, Crosby and Clayton (1990) argue that affirmative action policy should be temporal rather than permanent, aimed at eliminating racial and sexual inequality within the population. If permanent as it appears to be in South Africa, Crosby and Clayton (1999: 61) argue that: “negative effects on expectancies and behaviors” can occur within the marginalized groups. As a major guiding principle for employment in South Africa(Herholdt and Marx, 1999; Sikhosana, 1996), certain groups including West Africans in the country have been effectively marginalized. But, and because of the need to survive, immigrants in the study engaged themselves in small business activities including those marginal to the law.

Study Area

This research was conducted in Hillbrow and its surrounding neighborhoods in Johannesburg. Hillbrow was selected as the study area because of a number of reasons. First, Hillbrow has distinct ethnic groups, races, nationalities, with a commercial potential that attract many immigrants, and its location at the heart of Johannesburg, a ‘world city’, commands a strategic position in South Africa (Rogerson 1996; Rogerson 1997b). Second, Hillbrow’s historical transition from an all-white neighbourhood to a predominately black neighbourhood (Morris 1999), and of recent to a West African stronghold (Petkou, 2005), creates a good venue to study transmigrantsand understand how they survive and cope with ‘West-a-phobia’. Third, studies have shown that the majority of West Africans entering the country for the first time often establish a base in Hillbrow (Petkou, 2005)hence; their concentration in Hillbrow favours a study of this nature, and provides potential for a broad spectrum of interactions with West Africans. Finally, few in-depth studies have been done on West African transmigrants particularly in Hillbrow. Previous research by Morris (1999) focuses on the historical transition of the neighbourhood from 1977 to 1992, exploring its transformation from an ‘all-white’ to an essentially black neighbourhood. This paper examines a different period in the social history of Hillbrow. This period attempts to cover 1992 to 2008, when West Africans penetrated the neighborhood, and transformed it to a West African stronghold.

Methodology

The broad spectrum of this research necessitated the need for diverse research methodologies. Amongst the techniques used were open-ended questionnaires, in-depth interviews and observations. Combinations of different techniques were used so that the strengths of each can support the weaknesses of the other. The analysis was more qualitative than quantitative because of the difficulties in collecting data on certain immigrant activities beyond the margin of the law. Similar research works have noted the difficulties of conducting and using quantitative methods for research on criminal networks and activities (Shaw, 2001; MacGaffey and Ganga, 2000). The argument is: “people are naturally very wary of discussing activities that can land them in trouble with the police”(MacGaffey and Ganga, 2000: 25). Fortunately, being a West African, the question of trust and insecurity was not much of a problem. Some 112 opened-ended questionnaires focused on immigrants’ survival strategies, and how they take advantage of ‘West-a-phobia’ for economic gains were administered face-to-face to Cameroonians (N= 72) and Nigerians (N= 40) living in Hillbrow and surrounding areas. Snowball sampling was used to facilitate the identification of respondents; a technique which helped penetrated the complex West African networks in the study areas. MacGaffey and Ganga (2000: 24) note that it “is the best method for research on activities outside the law”.Finally, my knowledge about West African communities and their activities was an invaluable advantage for conducting this research. I observed, participated and discussed with immigrants about their lifestyle in Internet cafes, telephone booths, hair-dressing salons, fruits and vegetable shops, bars and restaurants, and in their homes. The discussions were all centered on ‘West-a-phobia’, transmigration, survival strategies and activities marginal to the law.

West African Concentration in Hilbrow: A West African Strong Hold

The immigrants in this study concentrate in Hillbrow, reside near each other, engage in frequent common interactions, and are formally unemployed[1]. Interviews conducted show that 93% of Cameroonians and 95% of Nigerians were unemployed. Only 7% of Cameroonians and 5% of Nigerians were formally employed. The results further show that the majority of immigrants have at least attended some form of formal schooling or skills development, while others have upgraded their educational status and/or acquired new skills in South Africa. Studies by Groot (2004) highlight the educational potential and skill levels of refugees in South Africa. In a similar vein, Kihato and Landau (2006) argue that migrants have skills and disproportionately higher levels of technical and academic qualifications needed to survive in cities. Nonetheless, most immigrants in the study remain unemployed, and are thus forced to reside in Hillbrow and surrounding areas. How immigrants benefit from their concentration in Hillbrow, ‘a neighbourhood of contrast’ (Morris, 1996), is this section’s focus.

From interviews conducted with immigrants, the general belief is that better educational qualification, and/or upgrading of skills/education will create better opportunities for employment in South Africa. In practical situation, it is not the case. Immigrants’ chances of getting employment in the country remained bleak and obscured. A Cameroonian immigrant explained why he was rejected for a post as a store assistant: “I showed them my papers, he asked for my ID and I showed him my Ngunda[2], when he realized that I am not a South African, he asked me if I can speak any of the South African languages which he knows very well I can’t”. This study observes that immigrants’ unemployment status, a result of ‘West-a-phobia’, contributes to their concentration in Hillbrow a relatively cheaper neighbourhood in the Johannesburg metropolis. Despite the odds of staying in a neighbourhood like Hillbrow[3] (Morris, 1996; Leggett, 1998, Dispatch, 1999), some of the study immigrants claim it is to their own advantage. One immigrant expressedhis preference for Hillbrow in the following words: “For someone who is not working, Hillbrow is the best because you can share accommodation and the rent is not bad”. This study observes that Hillbrow continues to attract many Cameroonian and Nigerian immigrants largely because of the resultant advantages and benefits. Previous research by Morris (1996) highlights some of the benefits of living in Hillbrow. According to Morris (1996), immigrants feel comfortable with one another, prefer associating with fellow compatriots, more especially as the neighbourhood had established herself as an unrestricted area for any one who could stay but bear the risks.

Interviews with immigrants suggest that low cost of living in Hillbrow contributes to their economic successes in the country. The study’s findings show that immigrants are able to afford rooms, accumulate capital to start businesses and send remittances to their home countries. According to one immigrant: “I cannot afford to stay in more affluent neighborhoods like Sandton and Rosebank, but the good thing about Hillbrow is that, I can save money to start a business or help my family”. The commercial potential of Hillbrow also provides immigrants with certain benefits. Hillbrow’s ethnic diversity for example, allows for a large formal and informal market of which immigrants take advantage to start small business activities. In addition, the relatively underdeveloped informal sector during the apartheid years (Rogerson, 1996; 1997b), especially in Hillbrow, has today been replaced with a well networked and organized informal sector largely dominated by marginalized immigrants. The commercial potential and the ethnic configuration of Hillbrow give immigrants the advantages of starting business activities and establish ethnic-niches for different ethnic population groups. The presence of relatives and friends, immigrant networks through which borrowing and cheap ethnic-labour can be got are other benefits enjoyed by immigrants staying in the neighbourhood. Data results show strong personal ties amongst the study immigrants, and play important roles in their business and financial transactions. Discussions with immigrantssuggest that personal ties help immigrants cope with risks, reassure confidence, guarantee security, sustain family links, ensure the smooth transfer of remittances and facilitate business transactions. Further investigations suggest that personal ties ensure the continuity of imported ethnic supplies, easy access to venture capital, beat any form of competition, and increase the number of ethnic customers attracted to immigrants’businesses. It is not of concern here, to delve into the how and why personal ties benefit the study immigrants as it would be deviating from the study focus. The succeeding section presents the study immigrants as transmigrants who live their lives in South Africa and their home countries.

From Asylum-Seekers to Transmigrants

Study results show that the majority of immigrants in the study entered South Africa in the early and mid 1990s as asylum seekers, today most of them are transmigrants. Schiller et al (1992) define transmigrants as Persons who live their lives across borders, developing social, familial, economic and religious networks that incorporate them intotwo or more states (see also Crush and McDonald, 2002).Based on Schiller’s (1999a), definition, the immigrantsunder study enjoy the benefits of participating in the socio-economic process of South Africa and their respective home countries.Looking at the transnational thesis, a jig-saw fit was observed in an attempt to measure and explore the appropriateness of the study immigrants with the features of transnationalism.

Features of Transnationalism

Scholars of transnational thesis have identified five major characteristics of transnationalism (Portes et al, 1999; Crush and McDonald, 2002), which when compared with the study immigrants supports the transnational thesis. First,amongst transmigrants, there is a high frequency and intensity of exchange, diverse modes of transaction, and multiplicity of activities that lead to travel and contacts (Portes et al., 1999),

This study found that immigrants travel to their home countries and back, which involves an increasingly high intensity of exchange of goods between South Africa and their home countries. Electronic goods such as cell phones, computers, audio and visual appliances and other electrical appliances are transported to immigrants’ home countries, and in return bring ethnic goods such as foodstuff, beauty products, clothing, music and related cultures to South Africa. Second, transnational activities are tied into the expansion and internationalization of capitalist production(Portes et al, 1999; Crush and McDonald, 2002). The argument sees the increase demand for cheap labor in the north, facilitated by improvement in communication and technology, especially in menial jobs in the service sectors of urban areas as lead causesattracting Southern workers to economies of urban North. Portes et al (1999: 227) note that,“It is this thick web of regular and instantaneous communication and travel that we encounter today that differentiates transnationalism from the otherwise ad-hoc and less frequent back and forth movement of migrants of the past”.Even though this study shows an opposite direction of mainstream migration from West Africa to down South (South Africa), the postulated South–North flow of migrants is synonymous with movements from less developed to more developed regions. Study results show 59% of immigrants came to South Africa for economic gains and only 43% had plans to study. Discussions with immigrants suggest the relatively developed nature of South Africacompared to Cameroon or Nigeriaas a pull factors for immigrating into South Africa. Findings also show that unlike traditional migrants, the study immigrants make frequent trips to their home countries with 65% of the study immigrants claiming they visit their home countries at least twice a year. Other push-factors observe in the study which influence immigrants’ immigration into South Africa include; Regional and political instability, Communication and technological advances, Economic and humanitarian crises, Socio-cultural factors (family pride), Adventurous spirits, Proximity, Pioneer immigrant population in South Africa, Red tapes involve in traveling to Europe and the United States (see also Petkou, 2005).Third, transnationalism should be interpreted as new ways of understanding and interpreting migrants’ identities. The argument is,traditional migrants would abandon their identities and adopt new ones, what Crush and McDonald (2002: 9-10) described as “casting of the old and absorbing the new”. This is best explained by the assimilation hypothesis. Transnationalism has rendered such hypothesis anachronistic. For transnational migrants, identity is one of hybridity in which they take on multiple identities, including a combination of home and host countries. Transnational migrants understand that successes in host country depend on preserving their identity and adopting new ones, not abandoning their home identity (socio-cultural and linguistic traits).The present study observed that hybrid identities are created in different ways. Immigrants in the study maintain ties with their home country, send remittances, consumehome and South African culture[1], export South African culture to their countries, visit their home countries, and maintain strong backward linkages supported by improved communication and technological advances in South Africa. Schiller and Fouron (2001:3) notethat when immigrants retained such ties: “they defy the widespread assumption in the US that immigrants are uprooted people who leave behind home and country to transplant themselves in a new terrain”.Based on the cumulative theory of transnational migration, the fourth feature of transnationalism considers migration as an interactive process that becomes increasingly independent of the conditions that caused it (Massey et al, 1994; 1998). This feature fits the study immigrants when considering their knowledge, experiences, social contacts, interactions, networks, and their changing asylum motives. Findings show that immigrants prefer a work permit or a permanent resident with the sole intension of making financial gains in South Africa.To achieve these, the immigrants adopt different strategies to integrate themselves in South Africa. Amongst these strategies include, living in Hillbrow a vibrant neighborhoodwith a pioneer immigrant population which supports informal and other non-formal activities. Finally, new cultural strategies of adaptation, the sheer size and diversity of migrants’ communities, new technologies of communication and transportation offer new modes of resistance to exploitation and discrimination of migrants.The study results show that xenophobia, affirmative action policy, and discrimination have forced migrants to set up their own social order. Immigrants in the study resist xenophobia, discrimination and exploitation in many ways. They adapt to the socio-cultural modes[2] in South Africa, engage in small business activities[3] and those outside the margins of the law[4]. These strategies are examined in later sections in the paper.