ARTICLE ONE
“THE 2002 PRE-ELECTIONS AND THE GOVERNMENTS’ POSITION IN THE DEMOCRATIC COUNTRY OF PAPUA NEW GUINEA”
CONTENT
1. Introduction
2. National Government
3. PNG Domestic Politic
4. Watch-Dog in the Election
5. Sir Mekere Morauta (Former Prime Minister) to remain in office until June 2002
6. Integrity Bill before the 2002 National Election finally approved
7. Why Did Sir Mekere Demand Loyalty? Cabinet Reshuffles
8. Peace Process in Bougainville to Renew Hope
9. Political Tension in National and Provincial Government
10. Conclusion
11. Reference
THE 2002 PRE-ELECTIONS AND THE GOVERNMENTS’ POSITION IN THE DEMOCRATIC COUNTRY OF PAPUA NEW GUINEA[1]
KANAPARO Balone Peter[*]
School of Business Administration, Business Management Strand, University of Papua New Guinea, PO Box 320, University Post Office, National Capital District, Papua New Guinea
1. Introduction
Any levels of governments (local, provincial and national) in the country are known for the formulation, implementation and evaluation of policies relating to political, social, economic, and legal restructure programs. PNG has these three-tied levels of government where the functions of any government institutions or departments have been decentralized.
Domestic and national politics have slowly crept into the three-tied governments and the ‘politics’ virus’ has infected them very severely, and it is very difficult to scan that virus. Successive government was formed to scan the politics’ virus, but they infected more bugs into the existing ones instead of eradicating them.
The Sir Mekere government has made some attempts to minimize the problems of political interference in the socio-economic developments, corruption, nepotism and etc., but they failed when three-quarter of the PDM MPs lost their seats to other candidates and it spell the end of a reign that began elections earlier.
This manuscript seeks to highlight some of the major events that occurred during the pre-election time under the reign of the than Prime Minister, Sir Mekere Morauta. The main proceedings this paper will stress are such as; the cabinet reshuffles, Bougainville peace process, integrity bill and political tensions in the three different levels of government in the independent state of Papua New Guinea (PNG).
This dissertation also reveals PNG domestic politics and states some of the views from other political commentators and observers. These comments tell us how others, especially foreigners, have perceived us.
2. National Government
The national government has been making progress in formulating and implementing its political reform program. The national government is the highest level of government in Papua New Guinea (PNG). Unicameral national parliament is made of its 109 members (under Sir Mekere’s regime, there were only 104 sits, with 5 vacancies) elected for a period of five years, 89 representing “open” electorates or constituencies and the rest representing 19 provincial constituencies and the nations’ capital district (Electoral Commission, 2002). Each of the 19 provinces has its own government (provincial & local) that may levy taxes to supplement grants received from the national government.
The National Executive Council (NEC), headed over by the Prime Minister, has executive powers. The Prime Minister is elected by the 109 members, and is sworn by the Governor General in the name of Queen Elizabeth II.
Sir Mekere Morauta, the leader of the People’s Democratic Movement (PDM), was elected Prime Minister by parliament on a vote of 99:5 on July 14th 1999. He has lead a coalition government consisting principally of the PDM, the People’s National Alliance (PNA) and Pangu Pati (Post Courier, July 16th 1999: 3). The main political organizations operated during Sir Mekere’s regime are as follows: National Alliance Movement (NAM); People’s Democratic Movement (PDM); Peoples National Alliance (PNA): United Resource Party (URP): People’s Progress Party (PPP): Pangu Pati (PP); Advance PNG Party (APP) and People’s National Congress (PNC) (Post Courier, July 17th 1999: 3).
During Sir Mekere’s ruling, he was put under-pressure because of the tensions put by his 99 members of parliament. The ministerial positions were only twenty and he made a tougher decision distributing ministerial positions, where he did but the ministers did not fit to these ministerial portfolios.
Table 1 shows his distribution of the key ministerial portfolios to only 18 members later referred as ministers. This table does not include the shadow ministers and vice ministers that he has also created to please the other candidates in his government.
KEY MINISTERIAL POSITIONS /NAMES OF MEMBERS OF THE NEC & THEIR PARTIES
Prime Minister & Minister for Finance / Sir Mekere Morauta (PDM)Deputy Prime Minister & Minister for Forestry / Michael Ogio (PDM)
Agriculture / Muki Taranupi (PDM)
Defence / Kilroy Genia (PANGU)
Education / John Waiko (PANGU)
Environment / Herowa Agiva (URP)
Fisheries / Ron Ganarafo (NAM)
Foreign Affairs & Bougainville Affairs / Sir Michael Somare (PNA)
Health / Ludger Mond (PDA)
Home Affairs / William Ebenosi (PPP)
Lands / John Pundari (APP)
Labour and Employment / Charlie Benjamin (APP)
Justice / Puri Ruing (PDA)
Mining / Michael Laimo (PNA)
Petroleum and Energy / Chris Haiveta (PANGU)
Police
Privatization / Jimson Sauk (PDM)
Vincent Auali (PDM)
Public Enterprise / Philemon Embel (NAM)
Trade and Industry / John Tekwie (PNC)
Transport and Civil Aviation / Alfred Pogo (PDA)
Works / John Kamb (PDA)
Source: Post Courier, 17th July 1999
Table 1 reveals the distribution of Sir Mekere Morauta’s ministerial portfolios. During the latter months major reshuffles took place, some parties and ministers were left out. For instance, John Pundari from the Lands Ministerial Portfolio was shifted to Women, Youth and Home Affairs Minister. This major ministerial reshuffle continued till parliament was cancelled for the 2002 national election.
Members (MPs) were not happy with the distribution of the ministerial portfolios by the Mekere Morauta led PDM government. Criticisms and condemnations came from the members in the NEC, opposition and the general public reproaching the distribution of its ministerial positions in the government. However, Sir Mekere Morauta sacked many members in the ministerial positions and replaced them with backbenchers or shifted the positions around. For example, sacking of Sir Michael Somare from the ministerial portfolio of Foreign Affairs Minister and replacing him with John Pundari.
3. PNG Domestic Politics
From these major inconsistent reshuffles in the government, Papua New Guineans face a different political future from a normal stable one, which was effectively revealed in the 2002 national election. In a short term, parliament has adjourned until July 23rd 2001 ensuring the continuation in office of the Prime Minister, Sir Mekere Morauta, until the general elections to be held in June 2002. In the longer term, the unexpected passing of the Organic Law on the Integrity of Political Parties and Candidates on the final day before adjournment has guide in a period of intense learning about the vastly different way that election, and subsequent elections have to be conducted and how the resulting parliaments have conduct themselves. New laws been enacted that, among other things: require the registration of political parties; limit the use of outside funding for political activities; and prevent independent MPs from voting on budgets, participating in votes of no confidence in the government, or voting on constitutional amendments.
There have already been calls for amendments to the new laws to make registration conditional on well-formed philosophies and policies. Independent candidates in the past have frequently brought down governments, and no Prime Minister has ever completed a full term[2]. By forcing normal independent candidates to join a party, the government hopes to limit their ability to disrupt the political scene. MPs who change party between elections would face the possibility of dismissal, or be forced to stand in a by-election. These restrictions, probably invalid in many other parliamentary systems of government, appear to favour the financial viability of larger, established political parties (Independent, 18th / 06/ 2001: 3; The National 15th /06 /2001: 2; & Post Courier, 15th /06 /2001: 2).
Sir Mekere has brought a sense of stability to domestic politics that was certainly lacking in the previous administrations since independence in 1975, and has received international recognition for doing so. As a result foreign investor confidence was improved, but only time will tell whether the bill can guarantee a stable investment environment in the long term.
4. Watch-Dog in the Election
Integrity Bill before the 2002 National Election has been finally approved. The 2002 general election has been held from June – August 2002, and Sir Mekere and his People’s Democratic Movement (PDM) have been considering the overwhelming favorites to form the next government but drastically failed. If the economy continues to improve, as other people were expecting the than Prime Minister’s popularity should have increased. However, the economy is particularly susceptible to external shocks, such as sharp declines in commodity prices, and export volumes are susceptible to climatic and seasonal influences. Major privatization of government institutions have already been done, which are now contentious, and the critically important PNG-Queensland gas pipeline project, which is expected to secure the economy for the next decade, may yet fall through. Any or all of these developments could erode support for the government and revive prospects for the opposition. Moreover, a national election in Papua New guinea is a two-stage process; first, the people elect 109 members of parliament, who then elect, on the floor of parliament, one of their numbers to be Prime Minister. The first stage is very much a tribal matter; Prime Ministers do not necessarily hold their parliamentary seats, despite their national or international standing, a fact that former Prime Ministers, Sir Julius Chan and Paias Wingti, can both attest to (Ibid., 18th / 06/ 2001: 3).
5. Sir Mekere Morauta (Former Prime Minister) to remain in office until June 2002
Parliament was adjourned on December 7th until July 23rd 2001, effectively closing the window of opportunity for the opposition to call for a vote of no-confidence and ensuring continuation in office of the Prime Minister, Sir Mekere Morauta, until the general elections in June 2002. On the face of it, this ‘survival’ tactic seems rather tricky and indefinable, however, votes of no-confidence have routinely brought down governments in the past and have prevented the development of a stable political environment, which is precisely what is needed in PNG to ensure the successful outcome of its critical reform Programme. In an attempt to promote transparency, where some of the senior state men are frequently preaching. Sir Mekere actually submitted his adjournment motion to the legislature for a vote[3]. In a surprising move, the opposition leader and former Prime Minister, Bill Skate, gave his full support for the motion and stated his belief that for progress to take place in the country there is no need for a change of leadership. However, Sir Mekere had to deal with and attempt to bring his government down, when on October parliament be adjourned until January 31st, the then Trade and Industry Minister, Honorable Michael Nali, proposed that parliament be adjourned until January 23rd creating the opportunity for a vote of no-confidence. This motion was defeated by 62 votes to 32 (The National 15th /06 /2001: 2).
6. Integrity Bill before the 2002 National Election Finally Approved
Before parliament was adjourned, it finally passed the Organic Law on the Integrity of Political Parties and Candidates, which is changing the attitudes and behaviours of MPs, way the next election, and subsequent ones, will be conducted and how the resulting parliaments conduct themselves. The Integrity Bill is one of the most important legislative proposals to come before parliament and should have came into force around February 2001, but delayed. By then the administrative systems to handle the all-important registration of political parties have also been placed. Over the ensuing six months political parties wishing to contest the general elections in June 2002 have registered themselves, which have been effectively done. Beyond the registration period, unregistered political parties have not and cannot be lawfully recognised. The body of the organic law came into force early in 2002, some months before the elections. As important as the legislation itself, which was championed by Sir Mekere, was the margin of victory: 84-0 following the 79-0 first votes in August. The bill amended PNG’s constitution, and therefore required a two-thirds majority of the 109 MPs, or 73 votes, in two sittings of the parliament. Although some members opposed the legislation, they chose not to vote, apparently because of widespread support for the bill (Economist Intelligence Unit, 2003: 4).
Current parliamentarians planning to go for the 2002 national elections and other interested intending contestants, as well as new and existing political parties, will need to study the quite restrictive changes to the way elections are held and parliament operates following the implementation of the organic law. These restrictions, probably shaky in many other parliamentary systems of government, appear to favour the financial viability of larger, established political parties. The new law places significant restraints on the conduct of independent MPs, who have tended to follow the destabillising path of political adventurism more than philosophical independence. It seeks to force independent MPs to align with a registered party. If they do not, and vote for the successful Prime Ministerial candidate, after the general election they become de facto members of the Prime Minister’s party and MPs affiliated with a registered political party cannot vote against the party on matters such as no-confidence, budgets or constitutional changes. Members who cross the floor or resign from a party, will face serious penalties, and may be forced to strand in a by-election (Ibid., 2003: 3-4).
7. Why Did Sir Mekere Demand Loyalty? Cabinet Reshuffles
Sir Mekere has proved that he was not simply twisting when he said, after the first reading of the integrity bill, that he would take “appropriate disciplinary measure” in the near future with those members of the government coalition who chose not to vote or encouraged others to abstain. With an unrelenting desire to rid the government of any source of instability, Sir Mekere has sacked a number of senior ministers and reshuffled his cabinet on a number of occasions. Following the attempt by Michael Nali (immediately prior to the scheduled final vote on the integrity bill) to move a motion to adjourn parliament until January 23rd, the day after the Prime Minister’s 18-month grace period lapsed, six ministers were sacked, including Mr Nali and the deputy Prime Minister, Mao Zeming. Another major reshuffle came as a result of the quite unexpected passage of the integrity bill at the end Sir Mekere sacked the foreign affairs and Bougainville minister, Sir Michael Somare, and the justice minister, Andrew Baing, for not voting with the government in the 84-0 vote (Op.Cit., 15th/ 06/ 2001: 1 & 2).